Brings me to today's ord for discussion: TRUST, reliance on the integrity, strenght, ability, surety.

You are free to trfer to the Nee Nee Neenakaram Video before commenting.

This is the same PPP race baiting trash that Jagdeo has been peddling nothing new here just a different messenger.

But as I said here before many times if you understand the connection between Dev and the swami it all comes together quite nicely.

The truth is that Guyanese do not give a rats ass about what bs the swami is writing here it goes to show you though the desperation of the PPP.

The PPP is extremely desperate in these elections they have seen their own poll numbers and they know quite well defeat is eminent.

How's the AFC Rice Industry Tiefin plans coming along?

that many Black PNC/APNU supporters saw Moses Nagamootoo, a former prominent PPP (Indian) leader over APNU's David Granger as unacceptable to lead the coalition is neither news nor unreasonable

however, the dispositive brief against the AFC leader as Presidential Candidate was simply one of numbers, the AFC being the much smaller party . . . NOTHING TO DO WITH ETHNIC HONOR!

like his GNI acolyte, your unholy Swamiji is a crude, racemongering fraud

how long till alyuh throw alyuh "ace" David Hinds pan the table? . . . ah waiting

This is no new information or anything of intellectual substance that the Swami is putting forth here. He is parroting Jagdeo's filth and message of divide and conquer.

We have to be idiots to not see through this filth.

Is the Swami outlining a plan to tief Guyana's rice exports?

 what a looney.............

Nut or slut, eh?

Cuckooo cuckoooo.......!!

Rice Rice..........!!

Now here you have a PPP government with 20 person cabinet and they have ONE practicing Hindu (1.5 if you count the Char3), yet this swami has the audacity to belittle the opposition, which includes a party that granted Hindus two public holidays. Hindus have just one in TT. Also could the swami explain why the Indian population plummeted under PPP? Why the Hindu population dropped from 37% under PNC to 25% today under abie c00lie paradise?

YOu have to be one of the BIGGEST FOOL on the Planet!!!

Swami needs to tell us how and why he is silent on the CIOG taking down a Hindu man as CEO at NBS along with Kissoon Baldeo another Hindu.

Why is the swami so silent on this matter? how could he allow a muslim organization to frame and setup these Hindus to be kicked out of their jobs because they refused to be honorable men and refused to give Jagdeo NBS coffers to be used for the berbice bridge fraud.

??? Why oh dear swami Why????

Swami all of a sudden peddling his pardna Ravi Dev's bullshit wholesale. He ain't even adding his spin to it.

Hey budday we know you are responsible for putting de mala on Jagdeo photo in de mandir. But at least man...dispute the statistics.

Swami did not say a single word for the take down of Arjoon from Dharmic Sabha.

No where as the PPP tiefing destroyed the rice industry just as it did the sugar and bauxite industries. They also plan to do the same to gold and forestry.

But Jagdeo does this to the beat of "collie pan tap, black man baad" so you celebrate with him as he and you incite the drums of war.

People like them don't really like Indians, they just hate blacks, so Indo on Indo exploitation doesn't merit a reaction from them.

he also needs to explain why so many Hindus are becoming Christians.   This under the rule of a supposedly Hindu dominated party.

I want all of these PPP folks if Elisabeth Harper would promote herself as an "African". 

I'm sure you personally know Swamiji and/or have some relevant quotes and/or actions to prove that he hates Blacks.

It's simpler....he's not a "Freddie Kissoon"  "Don't dare call me Indian. Call me antiman first" kind of non-Indian Indian. The kind you seem to approve of.

The only acceptable Indians are those who deny their Indianness.

VERY VERY SOLID point there TK.

You see why you have the PHD and DR DR DR DR from Patrice Lumuma got the laaant.

Don't need to know him.  Just need to know that any one who is concerned about Indians will

1. speak out against ALL levels of abuse towards them, not only on some exaggerated sense of what blacks do to them

2 would understand that as Indians decline into being a group of 35% of the population (much smaller than the 50% African/mixed) that it will be in their interests to develop the types of bonds with the rest of the population to ensure that their interests are protected.

Shaitaan how do Indians survive when they are only 35% of the population if their only strategy is "coolie pan tap, black man baad".

rice is one of the biggest cover to ship cocaine,this is a ppp thing  

Idi Amin ranted all day that he was a "proud African".  He won praise from certain ethnocentric blacks from OUTSIDE of Africa.  Even as he literally killed an ATE blacks in Uganda.

That is what your swami is like.

Swamiji is a committed vegetarian

As well, being a racist an all, he would only sup on finest cuts of Indian flesh

Does the Swami know the Marxist Lenninist PPP is atheistic and anti-religion?

The swami speaks on both sides of his mouth. Here is Batoram...on the PPP. Bato is one of the Swami protege

Have they? They led them to the slaughterhouse


The PPP is responsible for misleading and misrepresenting Indians. In its July 4, 2002 editorial, Stabroek News described the PPP leadership as “incompetent”, “weak”, and “indecisive”, and noted that the PPP has no “inkling of the extent of the alienation of many Africans.” To those who might say this is a cheap shot at the PPP, let me first condemn the PNC/R for the actions of its supporters on July 3 as well as the robbery, physical assault and sexual molestation of Indians. However, that is not what I wish to write about. Some might argue that there is no moral equivalence between the PNC and PPP (there is virtue in being an ineffective opposition for 28 years!). But Guyanese, particularly Indians, must blame the PPP, but more directly, the late Cheddi Jagan, for the continued violence against them.

Weakness and indecisiveness have a historical and an ideological affinity with the PPP, one that goes back to Cheddi Jagan’s long trail of costly political blunders and lack of an intellectual understanding of real politics. Here is my thesis on this.

First, Cheddi Jagan’s more immediate and greatest political failure was his inability to leave behind an organization that gave priority to the central dilemma that divides Guyanese society, the ethnic conflict. Had he done so, he might have worked out a modus vivendi between Indians and Africans and he would have accepted that the PNC legitimately represented African interests (so much for the PPP being multi-racial). The PPP would not have recruited ‘token’ Africans (Hinds, Lumumba, Jeffrey, etc), as it has historically done, to pretend that it is a multi-racial party. In reality, Jagan was never profoundly grounded in his own Indian cultural tradition. At Queens College he felt like “a small fish in a big pond” and was unable to resist the dominant creole values or the pressures that flowed with the “clash of cultures.”

 He discarded his Hindu middle name of ‘Bharat’ (meaning India) and adopted the Christian name of “Berret” because he thought it was “the fashionable thing to do.” In an interview with Vidya Naipaul (1991), elder statesman Eusi Kwayana said “[Cheddi] had a cultural problem. If he had been a devout Hindu, even in his youth, he would have had a more workable, a more human, frame of reference. But, having rejected imperialism and all its works along with its culture, he got attached to another metropolis, which was the Soviet Union.”

Martin Carter told Naipaul in the same interview that “the sheer area of experience was too much for a young man [Jagan] from a plantation background to deal with comfortably; you could imagine a young man in those days coming out of a background without a literary culture.” If Jagan’s early experiences were devoid of any meaningful Indian cultural tradition imprinted on his psyche, his later activities certainly did not reveal an inclination to explore his Indian culture. There was no reason, it seemed, for him to continue that tradition on his return home. He was married, after all, to a non-Indian, a white, Jewish American, who admitted to Naipaul that she introduced Jagan to Marxism-Leninism. At the age of 25, Jagan confessed to a loss of identity and he was in search of a way to fill this void in his life. Jagan accepted the communist ideology as a methodology to analyze Guyanese society because the emphasis on class conflicts offered him a simple explanation for colonialism and the PNC dictatorship.

There were many contradictions in Jagan’s social and political development that led him to create an organization that was ideologically and culturally inconsistent with the reality of plural politics in Guyana, even after the split with Burnham. He did not fully understand his Indian constituency, nor did Indians really accept his Marxist vision for Guyana, but his charismatic appeal guaranteed their support. The refusal of the current PPP leadership to delete references to Marxism-Leninism in the Party’s constitution at the 27th Congress was in some ways a tribute to its founder-leader, party paramountcy and democratic centralism and a feeling that it makes the PPP “non-racial.”

The incompetence of the PPP is most glaring when we consider some of its questionable policies. Among the many failures, we can include strict allegiance to a vulgar Marxist-Leninist ideology; non-critical ideological support for Cuba and the former Soviet Union; untimely introduction of a harsh Budget in 1962; misunderstanding of the primacy of the racial/ethnic dilemma in Guyana; allowing Duncan Sandys to decide the future of the colony by imposing proportional representation; consistent condemnation of American foreign policy; providing critical support at the height of the PNC dictatorship; advocating a broad policy of nationalization; refusal to reorganize and restructure the disciplined forces; and, the labelling of opposition Indian political leaders and organizations as “racist” and “extremist.” The weakness of the PPP leadership is demonstrated when one considers its inability to bring pressure to bear on, if not remove the PNC dictatorship after 28 years. Unlike Walter Rodney, who argued that the PNC dictatorship must go “by any means necessary” the PPP, while championing revolutionary slogans, has taught a generation of Indians how to remain passive (or flee) in the face of oppression. Paul O’Hara recollected that Burnham had long ago preferred Jagan in the opposition because he was a naive political leader. Even in office, the PPP is unable to neutralize the disruptive residue of PNC opposition in various power centres of society (police, army, bureaucracy). Violence against Indians has escalated when the PPP is in office: Wismar, January 12, July 3. On February 16, 1962 (Black Friday), when the attacks took place in Georgetown, except for the Minister of Home Affairs, the entire Cabinet, including Cheddi Jagan, went into hiding.

Second, Jagan’s political ideology was consistent with his anti-Indian positions and he encouraged conflicts between the Indian “working class” and “other” Indians. Consider Jagan’s position on the Indian Immigration Fund. It is well known that a group of Indian community leaders were appointed by Prime Minister Forbes Burnham and were asked to make recommendations as to how the money should be used. According to Dwarka Nath, the committee proposed the establishment of three cultural centres, one in each county, to benefit a greater majority of Indians who lived in the rural areas. Instead, Burnham ignored the recommendation and in an effort to create a national consciousness which was to become “an amalgam which is Guyanese,” directed that the money be used to build a National Cultural Centre in Georgetown to be constructed in time to celebrate CARIFESTA. Jagan initially indicated his opposition to the “unilateral confiscation” of the money by the PNC, but he did not maintain a consistent opposition to the issue on behalf of the Indians who opposed the Burnham plan. By adopting a national position, which he later did, Jagan was willing to lend support to the plan advocated by the Burnham regime. As he himself noted, “if we are striving to develop a truly national culture, then the value of a National Culture Centre becomes obvious” (Guyana Graphic, January 14, 1972). [/b]

While discussing his party’s view of race relations before the 1992 election with Festus Brotherson (Caribbean Contact, March/April 1992), Jagan said that that he “will pursue free education as being fundamental to Democracy but in the present troubled Guyana, an Indian bourgeoisie is emerging. They will easily be able to afford education if it is entirely Privatized but what about the Afro and other Guyanese? If those large numbers of people can’t afford private education, they will suffer.” Dr Odaipaul Singh, now Swami Aksharananda, noted that Jagan’s statements were a deliberate misrepresentation of the truth and were an insensitive indulgence in dangerous racial stereotypes.

Jagan, he argued, “asserts that there is an Indian ‘bourgeoisie’ versus an African working class, as if these two categories and their relationship alone adequately define the totality of Guyana’s social realities. Jagan has obscured the fact that the emerging Indian ‘bourgeoisie’ constitutes only a tiny fraction of the Indian population, and that the vast majority of Indians in Guyana, like Africans, are poor working class people struggling for day-to-day survival. By portraying Africans and ‘others’ as the working class (vs. the Indian ‘bourgeoisie&rsquo, Jagan is again deliberately obscuring the fact that the African population in Guyana is not a homogeneous entity, and that over the years there has also been an emerging African business class. It is a transparent attempt to manipulate race in order to win the African vote and confidence (the Indian voice is not a problem because Jagan and the PPP continue to believe in the myth that they ‘control’ the Indian people, bourgeoisie or otherwise).” He did not hesitate to criticize “elements of the Indian middle class” as “racists” when they questioned his party’s policy of critical support for the Burnham dictatorship and support for the PNC’s nationalization programme.

Third, more Indian-led parties have challenged the PPP’s leadership in representing Indians (than African-led parties vis-a-vis the PNC) because Jagan and his PPP have misled Indians into believing that the PPP champions their political interests. Nevertheless, the PPP, while appeasing the PNC, has gone to great lengths to discredit Indian-led political parties that challenged its Indian base. The PPP’s response to the Justice Party (1964) and ROAR (2001) are clear examples of this strategy. In its political campaign, Jagan made a number of claims against the JP: it will “split the Indian vote”, it was working with the PNC, it was an agent of the US and the JP was promoting “racialism”. While none of these accusations were true of the JP, similar accusations were made against ROAR in 2001. Ironically, Cheddi Jagan and Janet Jagan opportunistically relied on Indian organizations like the British Guiana East Indian Association (BGEIA) and the Man Power Citizen’s Association for their initial entry into politics. Despite his understanding of the important contributions of the BGEIA, Jagan was proud to tell an audience in Trinidad, in the presence of Dr Eric Williams, how he had successfully destroyed the “Indian racist” BGEIA.
Finally, in his book, Jagan misleadingly portrayed his father as a member of the oppressed class. He was in fact a beneficiary of the sugar plantation system, the same system Jagan fought against. He attended Queens College at a time very few parents could afford to send their sons, especially sugar estate workers.

Within the plantation system the social preeminence of some individuals, while necessary for the dominance of the plantation system over society, transferred to some individuals a certain element of state power in them as a class. At the age of 30, Jagan’s father was promoted to “driver” and, later as “head driver,” a status which placed him in the ranks of the middle stratum along with shopkeepers, pandits, parsons, teachers, dispensers and bookkeepers. As a gang foreman he mixed with the Scottish plantation overseers. This elevated status and influence allowed Jagan’s father to send money for his studies in the United States through the owner of the Argosy newspaper in Georgetown.[b]

[b]The PPP has been out of office for more years than it has been in office. In all those years, Jagan’s PPP has been loyal to a discredited political ideology. Even now that the PPP is “in power and in office” it is ruling on shaky grounds and it is unable to protect the security of its loyal supporters. A new generation of Indian leaders seeking a new political paradigm must question and expose the failed Jagan vision. Indians also have to understand that their political fortunes are not tied to the navel strings of the PPP. The more the PPP simplistically clings to the notion that free and fair elections alone is equivalent to democracy, the more divided and violent Guyana will become. Indians must share responsibility, and are themselves to be blamed, for the violence and insecurity they experience especially if they continue to support a PPP regime that has outlived its purpose.

Yours faithfully,
Dr Baytoram Ramharack

dey saw the light.

You sure he is not a vaginarian?