People of all races must qualify for their opportunities.

Ramjattan will become President of the next Rum shop and nagamootooo will be his vice president.

Ask trotman about the two boys who were killed in his office.

The Air is now clear. Felix was the man behind the drug lords..

Everytime the PPP talks is all about development. Check the manifesto.

All ramjattan AND TROTMAN EVER DID WAS RUN A LAW PRACTICE. hOW CAN WE ENTRUST THE COUNTRY TO THEM?

We paid back 1.7 Billion uS dollars of PNC debt. Today we have the strongest economy in the Caribbean. We have the largest reserves in the world.

And Donald Ramoutar should be and will be our next president.

Vote PPP, Onward Guyana.

Granger is organising blacks.

Rama K. Persaud is organising Indians..

quote:

Originally posted by Ramakant_p:
Ramjattan will become President of the next Rum shop and nagamootooo will be his vice president.

Ask trotman about the two boys who were killed in his office.

The Air is now clear. Felix was the man behind the drug lords..

Everytime the PPP talks is all about development. Check the manifesto.

All ramjattan AND TROTMAN EVER DID WAS RUN A LAW PRACTICE. hOW CAN WE ENTRUST THE COUNTRY TO THEM?

We paid back 1.7 Billion uS dollars of PNC debt. Today we have the strongest economy in the Caribbean. We have the largest reserves in the world.

And Donald Ramoutar should be and will be our next president.

Vote PPP, Onward Guyana.

Excellent points raised here

INTERNATIONAL YEAR FOR PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT
STATEMENT PRESENTED AT THE MUSEUM OF AFRICAN HERITAGE
20 OCTOBER, 2011
BY: CEDRIC L JOSEPH, C.C.H.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
MUSINGS OF A FORMER AMBASSADOR OF AFRICAN DESCENT:
AN EXTINCT SPECIES.
It is unlikely that I should have ever ventured such a restrictive and invidious title for this talk had it not been officially advanced, perforce, at the highest level. In this International Year for People of African descent, committed to raising awareness of the challenges facing people of African descent, any commentary on the contribution of our Ambassadors of African descent should have been passing and integral to, rather than divorced from, the contributions of all other ethnic groups to maintaining and solidifying the integrity, territorial and otherwise, of this state of Guyana. A case for ethnic classification should never have existed. But, as in every aspect of our lives, such are the times.
The eviction of those of African descent from the highest levels of the diplomatic service is not of current happenings. It was signaled early by the People‟s Progressive Party (PPP), then in opposition, with its haranguing of the Foreign Service and consistent charges about “squandermania”. Immediately upon its accession to office in October 1992, the newly appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, impassioned after the long wait of twenty eight years, undertook a tour of the Missions in North America. He emitted such fury in what he deemed his Herculean mission to cleanse the stables that the Foreign Service has not yet recovered from that onslaught and the deprivations of subsequent years. Ironically, he would find little comfort in the rump of the Foreign Service he would create.
Diplomacy is the management of the relations between the governments of independent states through negotiations, in peace time and critically during times of war. The conduct of this diplomacy is undertaken by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its Foreign Service through its ambassadors, envoys and a variety of diplomatic personnel. Diplomacy is as old as humankind, some say older than history, and has been practiced as long as the inevitable conflict arose among human beings. I should remind not merely for gender correctness that history records the feats of many warrior women; the Amazons of Greek legend, the Egyptians Hatshepsut, the only female Pharaoh, and Cleopatra, the Celtic Boudicca, the French Joan of Arc, and the Ghanaian Queen Mother, Yaa Asantewah of the Gold coast.
The earliest practitioners of diplomacy are recorded in Asia, China, Japan and India, in the era before Christ. The Bible, too, in several passages refers to the dispatch and work of ambassadors in times of need or trouble. The oft-quoted Paul‟s second letter to the
2
Corinthians, in second Corinthians, 5:20 recalls: “Now then we are therefore ambassadors for Christ as though God were making his appeal through us.” And specifically, in Ephesians, 6:20, “For which I am an ambassador in bonds: that in this I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak.” War and imperial ambition stimulated the practice among the Greek city states and later the Roman Empire and its neighbours. Modern Europe saw the full development and expansion in Renaissance Italy through the contest for hegemony among the city states of the Holy See, Venice, Turin, Genoa, Milan, and Florence which gave the world that quartet of Ambassadors: Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio and Machiavelli. From Africa, the Mandingo Malian Empire posted ambassadors to the Maghreb Africa and some Italian city states.
The Foreign, or Diplomatic, Service occupies a position of much respect and entry is eagerly sought. It is held as being highly professional and specialized. In many states, modern and new, entrance is strongly competitive. States like to believe that their diplomatic personnel represent the best and brightest of their society and that their Ambassadors evince something of the ethos of governance and the aspirations of the society. This, despite the many salacious things said about Ambassadors. Both political and career aspirants do not hide their expectations for these appointments, particularly in the capitals considered to be premier in the international reckoning.
The right to appoint Ambassadors is a paramount one. Heads of State or Government guard it jealously. If anything speaks of the elegance, temper and propriety of Heads, it is their appointments of Ambassadors and the Cabinet. In accordance with our Constitution, the power to appoint Ambassadors, and their recall, is vested in the Head of State. While he/she may listen to the entreaties of political associates, there is no requirement for consultation. A formal instrument of appointment, the Letters of Credence, is addressed by the Head to his/her colleague Head of the receiving state; it is personal and commendatory. It opens: “Being desirous to maintain without interruption the relations of friendship and good understanding which happily subsist between the two Crowns, I have selected My Trusty and Well-beloved X to proceed to the Court of Your Majesty in the character of My Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary”…
The instrument further refers to the “ample experience… talents and zeal” for service of the appointee, and the hopes that he “will fulfil the important duties of his Mission in such a manner as to merit Your approbation and esteem…” Until the Ambassador designate has “presented his letters”, he or she is not officially recognized.
Upon attaining independence in May 1996, Prime Minister LFS Burnham‟s ambassadorial appointments were almost the ideal in reflecting of the new state‟s ethnic diversity. The Minister of State and first Ambassadors were necessarily political appointees. Over the years other ambassadorial and senior diplomatic appointments, including some women already distinguished in their respective careers, followed fairly indicative of the representative imperative without being constrained by any mathematical formula. The principle was upheld throughout the administration of the People‟s National Congress (PNC) up to the loss of office in October 1992.
3
These appointees, particularly those styled political, were already well established in their professions and careers: in law—quite predominant, business, public service, and academia. They had been exposed to negotiations and debate and had a good grasp of contemporary global and regional developments, in addition to any involvement in politics they may have had at some time.
No policy of exclusion on any grounds ever existed. Moreover, there was never any ambassadorial appointment of any member from any ethnic group for symbolic purposes. The major capitals were open to all ethnic groups. No one was accorded the office and stationed in the capital Georgetown as non-resident Ambassador as any pretence to inclusion of an ethnic group. The practice, at times, to accredit representatives in a non-resident capacity to the Caricom countries based in Georgetown reflects a genuine assignment that is not to be confused.
Quite early in the PNC‟s administration, in the early 1970‟s, Burnham chose to appoint career officers, including public servants, as Ambassadors/High Commissioners. This departure from any inordinate reliance on political associates was a clear mark of a Head responsive to competence, professional exposure and training rather than making exclusive political affiliation the qualification for appointment.
Formulating and conducting foreign policy by any state is a complex, demanding and specialized business. For a new state confronted with aggressive claims on its territory, the defence of its national interest was never a matter for speculation, slogans and theorizing. Small wonder that the success and attainments of that foreign policy were generally acknowledged in the international arena. At home, however, that accomplishment was attributed to Burnham‟s diversion from the problems at home. The crisis that developed in June 2000 in Guyana‟s territorial waters off the Corentyne dramatized the dangers that continually lurked in a foreign policy that had lost its moorings, had gone adrift and become prone to personalized experiment.
One admirable and intensely valuable feature of the Burnham years was the institution of the annual Heads of Mission Conference. All Ambassadors, including Chargés, were obliged to return to base for extensive reviews of the country‟s foreign and related aspects of domestic policies with specific emphasis on the perspective from their particular posts. These reviews understood the general thesis that foreign policy could not be insulated from the pressures of domestic policies. Meetings lasted for a week or more at some times and, critically, were convened outside Georgetown in the regions of the country. Ambassadors lived and worked among themselves in the rustic environment supported by the staff at headquarters and other Government departments as necessary. Opposition forces did not cease to disparage these meetings and call attention to the expenditure incurred. It was truly expensive; but what is the price tag for maintaining territorial integrity?
The encounters left participants, visiting Ambassadors and home-based staff, with useful appreciation of domestic, regional and global trends coordinated from a vantage point other than their own. Apart from the personal contact with the affairs and life in the
4
regions, there were other outcomes. Most important was the fact that Ambassadors had to return home at least annually to avoid long periods of uninterrupted residence abroad. In the diplomatic representation, and particularly where developing countries post their representatives to the developed states, long absences abroad can transform representatives into mere agents of their Government missing the nuances of life and politics evolving at home and reflecting external biases. Visiting headquarters brings Ambassadors into direct contact with home-based staff and softens any appearance of being mere distant names in the Ministry‟s brochure assigned to some far away land. Correspondingly, the interchange with home staff can be encouraging for the latter in the expectations of future preferment
Current technological developments in communication may avert the need for annual conferences. While there may be increased resort to the significant medium of tele-conferences and so on, the seasonal presence of Ambassadors at headquarters cannot be discarded in its entirety. Walter Bagehot, the nineteenth century British political analyst, once cynically observed that an ambassador “is not simply an agent, he is also a spectacle.” When these signs appear, they signal dangers.
In states where there are changes of government, democratic or otherwise, Ambassadors/High Commissioners are an early casualty. It seems to be understood among the political appointees that their service will no longer be required by the incoming administration and that their tours of duty will end. On the other hand, career appointees generally expect to retain an appointment at least in a department in the public service. Apart from the broad British concept of serving the government of the day, there is no hard rule in the older states, and it is interesting to follow how the new states of the Commonwealth Caribbean reacted to political changes.
In the new states of the Commonwealth Caribbean, where there is much respect for British practice, the fact that during the early years no political party monopolized office for an unduly long period contributed immensely to Barbados and Jamaica managing any adjustment in their respective Foreign Service without trauma. The British view about serving the government of the day was generally observed. In Jamaica, for instance, at independence in 1962, the first Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) administration served two terms in office for ten years and was followed by the People‟s National Party (PNP) for another two terms for eight years. The JLP returned for another two terms of nine years. The sequence was broken by the succeeding three terms of the PNP for eighteen years.
In Barbados, at independence in November 1966, the Democratic Labour Party (DLP) served two terms totalling ten years; then the Barbados Labour Party (BLP) acceded to office for two terms also amounting to ten years. In 1986, the DLP returned for two terms for eight years. Interestingly, when Errol Barrow returned to office in 1986, after an absence of ten years, a Barbadian colleague said to me that Barrow‟s first comment was how pleased he was to see so many officers who were still in office. There was nothing strange to encounter both Barbadian, Jamaican, and to some extent Trinidad and Tobago diplomatic officers with long tours of duty spanning different administrations How civilized a culture?
5
In Suriname, which experienced a military intervention, from its independence in November 1975 up to the late 1990‟s there were some ten different administrations. There was some turmoil and change. Nonetheless, a Suriname colleague, a strong advocate of his country‟s territorial claims, speaking with me in the late 1990‟s used to be elated when indicating that he had survived these administrations. The unstated point was the contrast with his Guyanese counterparts who experienced only one change of administration.
In Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago, the trend in the life of administrations was vastly different from that of their Caribbean colleagues; though the results contrasted notably. First, both states were ethnically mixed with varying degrees of polarization. Both did not enjoy the give and take of periodic changes of government without cataclysmic occurrences. In Guyana, the PNC administration held office for twenty-eight years; in Trinidad and Tobago the People‟s National Movement (PNM) held office for twenty-four years. There was only one change of administration in nearly a generation. The political venom accumulating during the years by the Party out of office overwhelmed any inclination to evaluate professionally Diplomatic officers at all levels.
Yet, in Trinidad and Tobago, there was no decimation of any ethnic group. No group was deemed accountable for, or held to benefit unprofessionally from, the policies of the outgoing administration. No vitriol was reserved for any group and, as in the instance of Barbados and Jamaica, neither in the making nor execution of its foreign policy was there any breach in institutional memory and any attendant misadventure. And by good chance, none of these three states had the daunting task at independence of securing its territorial integrity
Guyana in October 1992 would differ fundamentally from its colleagues. The signals of impending onslaught, as stated earlier, were strong. There had to be some expectations of drastic change. Political appointees could expect early recall; career officers may hope for reassignment. It was also reasonable to anticipate that the incoming PPP/CIVIC administration would reward a number of its devoted and long-serving members with ambassadorial appointments. It is the extent, however, of the devastation of the African element of the outgoing administration that was surprising and the collaborative pursuit of senior officials who held, or were recommended for, significant positions in international and regional institutions. That pursuit has continued.
One casualty that had not been anticipated, as its existence seemed so natural that it was taken for granted, was the conviviality that existed among Ambassadors. Forged easily and casually during the annual Heads of Mission conferences, it proved porous and easily suborned in the stormy change. Defensive walls were quickly raised to establish some alignment with the critics of the reported electoral practices of the PNC and of the state of the economy in the 1980‟s. Yet no Ambassador had ever offered to resign on principle on either of those matters. The imperatives of survival enforced new loyalties, new appraisals and new dissemblings.
6
The prevailing make-up of Ambassadors/High Commissioners is not the product of a single action, as this was not practicable. Nor is it accidental or an oversight, evolving methodically as it has done over the years. It is difficult, therefore, to avoid ascribing the development as resulting from some calculated policy. For, even when career Heads of African descent, very few as they were, had survived the early shocks, they were eventually recalled, retired and replaced. A few, too, were obliged to seek redress through the judicial process for their outstanding emoluments.
The upshot is that, of the existing twelve diplomatic missions, all Heads are political appointees, with the exception of one mission that has a Chargé d’affaires, and represent almost entirely the ethnic group deemed to be supportive of the administration. Further, it has also been officially submitted that no officer of African descent is qualified to be appointed as Ambassador. In the circumstance, it may also be noted that, as the situation stands, no career officer from any other ethnic group may hope for advancement to the rank of Ambassador in the prevailing dependence on political appointees. Not taking advantage of the training programmes available ensures the immobility of younger personnel at home.
One officer of African descent, is described as a non-resident Ambassador, based at headquarters and is deemed as the only Ambassador holding two posts. This is correct, but there is an undertone. How does the administration really appraise this particular position of non resident Ambassador? In the recent, and rare, National Awards, the Head of State awarded the officer the Golden Arrow of Achievement and not the Cacique‟s Crown of Honour normally awarded to qualifying Ambassadors.
The irony in the extinction of Ambassadors of African descent is the more poignant in that, in the recorded history of Guyana, it was an African who initiated the earliest internal diplomatic communication. History records a letter from Cuffy (Kofi), the national hero, dated April 2, 1763, addressed to the Dutch Governor, Wolfert Simon van Hoogenheim, during the Berbice Slave rebellion. It was the first revolt by the enslaved Africans in the Caribbean against their masters and a declaration of freedom by a group of Africans in Guyana.
Cuffy, styling himself as a Head of State, Governor of the Negroes of Berbice, and in the diplomatic language he knew, addressed a formal and personal letter, also on behalf of his deputy, Captain Akara, to “Your Excellency”. His proposals were simply and precisely stated: He did not wish war with the Whites; and Berbice should be partitioned between the Whites and the Blacks; the Whites occupying the coastal area and the Blacks the interior. He ended his letter formally and warmly, thus: “The Governor (Cuffy) greets Your Excellency.” Cuffy had drawn on his Akan recollection of negotiation and correspondence.
Van Hooghenheim, in the artful diplomacy he knew, replied that he had dispatched the proposal for partition to Holland for consideration. An exchange of correspondence followed with Cuffy, alert to the stalling, requesting a summit meeting of the two heads.
7
Van Hooghenheim declined a reply as the military option he was assembling during the exchanges was ready to take to the field. The rest of the history is well told.
Amadou-Mahter M‟Bow, the distinguished African Secretary General of UNESCO, 1974-1987, and the inspiration for the General History of Africa, had devoted his life‟s work to situating the African past and its legacy on a just plane. I have dealt fully with this subject elsewhere. What I should like to return to here is this heritage of identity with the African past among people of African descent: demonstrated in the resistance of slaves being shipped from Africa; in the slave revolts particularly in the Caribbean; in their struggle for freedom, equality and independence; and in the support extended to Africa in its national liberation and in the proposals for African unity.
In the instance of Guyana, there is the support by President LFS Burnham, diplomatic, financial and material to the frontline states of southern Africa in their struggle to end colonialism and the apartheid regime. In this context is the contribution of the entire team of Ministry and Ambassadors in the various international fora that were seized of this subject.
Of the wealth of exposure and encounters in the travails of our Ambassadors and Foreign Service Officers, those moments of satisfaction, frustration and real dangers never seem to fade, the mission of the first High Commissioner to Zambia stands prominent in the execution of its duty and in its grasp of the African struggle. Frederick R Wills, already distinguished in law, was brilliant, assertive and unorthodox. He pursued a relationship with the freedom fighters that went beyond the understandings of traditional diplomacy. He lived with them, shared their dangers and hardships and earned their respects. His despatches revealed an identity with their struggle that was refreshing and sensitive. On a later visit to Zambia, as Foreign Minister in November, 1977, President Kaunda hosted a small luncheon for him and in the traditional African custom reserved for a special elder dined without some customary western accoutrements. He then proceeded to spend the entire afternoon with him for private discussion with the High Commissioner present for all but the last ten minutes. African Heads do not normally spend the entire afternoon with any visiting Foreign Minister.
To return to the larger issue of Guyanese of African descent, I have contended elsewhere that, at this International Year no other community of African descendants, either on the South American coast or in the Caribbean, faces such a bleak future or doubtful destiny. 1
Two hundred and forty-eight years after Coffy issued the declaration of freedom, we find ourselves at the dangerous cross-roads. The ruthless application of the Westminster „winner-take-all‟ system deprives us of integral involvement in governance and seems to consign us to the role of „opposition‟ in perpetuity. Unequal and managed opportunity situates us as supplicants in a society that has emerged from the labours of all, our contribution being second to none. We must be concerned that for the first time in the history of our land, a generation is failing to match, let alone exceed as in our past, the attainments of the preceding generation. The march of civilization dictates that there be progress from one generation to another. To halt this progress is to usher in decline.
8
The assessment of the UN Independent Expert on minority issues, Ms Gay McDougall, an African American, issued in March 2009 attracted intense official ridicule. The expert had concluded, inter alia, that: “Ethnically based divisions and politics had created two separate and conflicting narratives and perceptions of reality in Guyana.” On the part of African-Guyanese, she stated, “there is a widely held view that they are discriminated against by an Indian-dominated and supported Government that puts Indian interests to the fore…” In rejecting the report, the administration was also dismissing the judgment of African-Guyanese of how they saw their role in the society. Two years after the publication of the report, the “two separate and conflicting narratives” still remain. And in its own right, the acknowledged image of the state‟s Ambassadors shorn of its African constituent is the picture that is worth a thousand words.
What a splendid opportunity has been wasted through designing such a constricted corps of Ambassadors and displaying such an imperfect face of Guyanese polity for all to see! While a representative corps may eventually be reintegrated, the undertones of ethnic separation may remain for some time. In this context if I may remind no retired High Court Judge of African descent is currently retained by the administration in any professional capacity.
African-Guyanese may honour the achievements and contribution of our ancestors, and to borrow from Walter Rodney, how they “humanized” the coast and stood shoulder to shoulder with others to build, shape and safeguard this state. In the same frame, we are obliged to look inwardly at our present circumstances and our future, and move decisively to ensure some tangible bequests for the next generation. Immediately, without the rancour and coarseness that identify public dialogue, we must stand firmly against those who pursue power for personal aggrandizement and support unequivocally those who respect the rule of law and are committed to advancing the progress of all the people and of all Guyana in a peaceful and secure environment. The coming weeks will be a real test of our alertness and our resolve. The African proverb says so much so concisely: For tomorrow belongs to the people who prepare for it today.
From many quarters appeals will be made to this or that African-Guyanese occupying this or that position, as they rightly should. Whatever the posturing, it is clear that neither the ongoing distractions, fanfares, nor all the perfumes of Arabia can mask the realities. Neither the microcosm of a Foreign Service nor the State at large can really prosper deprived of the vitality and enterprise of any of its constituents. The incoming administration will face a huge task in creating, as the Independent Expert urged, “a climate of truth, reconciliation and compromise.” Only then can the society truly celebrate a democracy and engage its diversity.
1 Cedric L Joseph, “Africa and its History”, Guyana Review, July, 2011.
Cedric L Joseph
20 October, 2011
9
INTERNATIONAL YEAR FOR PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT
STATEMENT PRESENTED AT THE MUSEUM OF AFRICAN HERITAGE
20 OCTOBER, 2011
BY
CEDRIC L JOSEPH, C.C.H.

Green is a dated relic

quote:

Originally posted by albert:
Green is a dated relic

i agree with you there,so is bynoe and joe,but these too collie beater is in the ppp camp.you tell me how this happen

quote:

Originally posted by albert:
Green is a dated relic

Green fired Kwame from City Hall for stealing checks. Kwame has always been a thief!

quote:

Originally posted by Ramakant_p:
Ramjattan will become President of the next Rum shop and nagamootooo will be his vice president.

Ask trotman about the two boys who were killed in his office.

The Air is now clear. Felix was the man behind the drug lords..

Everytime the PPP talks is all about development. Check the manifesto.

All ramjattan AND TROTMAN EVER DID WAS RUN A LAW PRACTICE. hOW CAN WE ENTRUST THE COUNTRY TO THEM?

We paid back 1.7 Billion uS dollars of PNC debt. Today we have the strongest economy in the Caribbean. We have the largest reserves in the world.

And Donald Ramoutar should be and will be our next president.

Vote PPP, Onward Guyana.

Dont think everyone is heading for the rum-shop like you. and what is this lying about that two men died in Trotman's office. I think you are referring to Shultz and Gladwin Fecker who were shot in front of a video store. Remember Fecker was PPG's and Bonus's buddy. Fecker was a bad assed dude and he had it coming and that had little to do with Trotman. Notice how Kwame is acting a bad man? He got it coming no less than Fecker and for the same reason; they piss too many people off by being bullies.

Every time the PPP talks about development the focus is on the money and options for graft. They are corrupt suckers whose days, thankfully, will be overs soon.

And you did not pay a damn thing back. It was forgiven since we had no way to pay it back. We are back up to 2 billion US in debt or 100% our economy ( even if we do not earns a third of that per year)since we are borrowing significant portions of that each year.

Ramoutar may be the president but hopefully he will have to call Ramjattan and Granger as well as account for every penny if he is to govern. That would be a novel thing after so many decades of wanton stealing.

quote:

D2 .Ramoutar may be the president but hopefully he will have to call Ramjattan and Granger as well as account for every penny if he is to govern. That would be a novel thing after so many decades of wanton stealing.

The above lines are some of the wisest lines ever written on this board . It should be the case for any GOG to be accountable . Well said D2.

About two years ago someone posted on a website that Green catch Kwame in his safe late one night. I don't think that is true.

quote:

Originally posted by Wally:
About two years ago someone posted on Benschop site that Green catch Kwame in his safe late one night. I don't think that is true.

Why?

Because Kwame so upstanding & HONEST . . . ?!!

If that was true do you think Kwame would be around today.

quote:

Originally posted by Wally:
If that was true do you think Kwame would be around today.

Hammie ole now and toothless.

Stop living in the past

Bharat: . . . and I - PLAN - TO - ASK the police to investigate . . .

[SMH]

One businessman has provided the police with a recording of Green and his post election violence protection money demands

quote:

Originally posted by The Judge:
One businessman has provided the police with a recording of Green and his post election violence protection money demands

i dont know if this true,but this man hammy should have die a long time ago.i guess the devil does protect their own.the ppp should be ashame to have joe in their camp,he and hammy beat a lot of guyanese people

quote:

Originally posted by warrior:
i dont know if this true,but this man hammy should have die a long time ago.i guess the devil does protect their own.the ppp should be ashame to have joe in their camp,he and hammy beat a lot of guyanese people

You shouldn't wish death on anyone

If Hammie break the law, arrest him and then come back and talk to us, otherwise, it is just PPP desperation!

Ten businessmen have provided proof that no one is demanding money from business people as previously thought.

All that Hammie did to protect Taps from certain jail is now backfiring on him because Taps ungrateful son, who has become Kwame's girl has turned against Hammie and are assisting the PPP in fabricating lies on Hammie. Poor Jason!

quote:

Originally posted by redux:
Bharat: . . . and I - PLAN - TO - ASK the police to investigate . . .

[SMH]

Does Jagdeo know the difference between ' plan to ask' and 'asking' ?