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FM
Former Member

Handing over Essequibo to Venezuela not automatic

In this ad hoc map by Retired Major General Norman McLean, the area awarded to Venezuela by the Arbitral Tribunal Award can be seen at the top left. In this ad hoc map by Retired Major General Norman McLean, the area awarded to Venezuela by the Arbitral Tribunal Award can be seen at the top left.

 

Guyana’s Foreign Minister, Carl Greenidge on Saturday said even if Venezuela makes a legally acceptable challenge to the 1899 Arbitral Tribunal Award of the land border between the two countries,  the mineral and forest-rich Essequibo Region would not be handed over to its Spanish-speaking automatically.
“If it is able to make its case, it would not follow that it would now be awarded the Essequibo.  What it means is that the entire case will then have to be adjudicated since just as Venezuela claims territory that is fully part of Guyana today, the British – with evidence – prior to 1899 claimed territory that is part of Venezuela today.
Instead, he said Guyana would file a counter-claim that would include lands that Britain had given up and are now part of Venezuela’s territory. The Tribunal awarded 5,000 square miles to Venezuela.
“Guyana, it therefore needs to be acknowledged, would then have the right to have British claims to parts of the territory now controlled by Venezuela, also considered,” said the Foreign Minister who has a wealth of international negotiating experience.
While maintaining that the Tribunal Award is  a full, perfect and final settlement of the border with Venezuela , Guyana is pushing very hard for the controversy to be settled by the International Court of Justice, widely known as the World Court, which is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN).
After accepting the 1899 Award and participating in the border demarcation from 1901 to 1905, Venezuela in 1962 and 1966 challenged the boundary settlement and extended its claim to the 167,839 square kilometer Essequibo Region. Since then, Venezuela has either blocked or scared away investors in offshore and onshore projects in concessions awarded by Guyana.
Greenidge confirmed that UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon is making efforts to have President David Granger and his Venezuelan counterpart, Nicola Maduro meet on the margins of the UN General Assembly scheduled to be held next month in New York.
“The SG (Secretary General) has indicated that he is looking into the matter and has asked whether both Presidents will be attending the UN General Assembly in September. That forum may offer the opportunity of a meeting,” said Greenidge.

The UN Chief is also preparing to send a fact-finding mission to Caracas and Georgetown. Venezuela is pressing for the resumption of the UN 'Good Officer' process but Guyana says it is now virtually a waste of time.
Tensions between the two countries reached boiling point in May 2015- weeks after American oil-giant ExxonMobil announced a significant oil find 120 miles offshore Guyana- when President Maduro issued a Decree unilaterally taking in all of the Atlantic sea offshore Essequibo and making it part of an Integrated Maritime Defence Zone.
Top Venezuelan officials including Venezuela’s Foreign Minister Delcy Rodriguez and Vice President Jorge Arreaza are on a fan-out across the 15-nation Caribbean Community (Caricom) seeking to make a case out for its border posture.  Caricom Chairman, Barbados’ Prime Minister Freundel Stuart has already told Arreaza that the regional grouping is backing Guyana. “We are committed to assisting Venezuela and Guyana in this dispute, preferring at all times a peaceful solution. But as of now, having regard to the fact that there was an arbitral award in 1899 and having regard to the fact that the Geneva Agreement of 1966 has not yielded the kind of results that either Venezuela or Guyana expected, CARICOM’s formal position has to be a commitment to the territorial integrity of Guyana,” Stuart was quoted as saying by the Barbados Advocate.
The Guyanese Foreign Minister reiterated that apart from the border controversy, President Granger remained willing to discuss other areas of mutual interest with President Maduro.
“He (Granger) is willing to speak to President Maduro on a variety of issues of common interest, apart from the border. He rightly observed that there is a lot else of importance to be discussed, including trade and stability in the region. That position is a longstanding one and is captured in diplomatic and other correspondence between the two countries,” said Greenidge.

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Having a Military man like Granger makes a huge difference. Although we do not have much of an army, President Granger is no pushover.

 

Let us now attempt to reclaim our land given away to Venezuela.

 

Not one blade of Grass to Venezuela and their madman of a President.

FM

Instead, he said Guyana would file a counter-claim that would include lands that Britain had given up and are now part of Venezuela’s territory. The Tribunal awarded 5,000 square miles to Venezuela.

 

Sometime ago we discussed this on GNI

FM
Originally Posted by asj:

Instead, he said Guyana would file a counter-claim that would include lands that Britain had given up and are now part of Venezuela’s territory. The Tribunal awarded 5,000 square miles to Venezuela.

 

Sometime ago we discussed this on GNI

Lands awarded to Venezuela in 1899 should be returned to Guyana

August 3, 2015 | By | Filed Under Letters 
 

Dear Editor,

Historian Thomas Bailey in his book American Diplomacy, with requisite evidence, established a very important observation about the Guyana –Venezuela issue. He pointed out that it was really a British – American issue resulting from the Monroe Doctrine. In 1823, US President Monroe declared that the Americas are for Americans. His government officially embarked on a policy of destabilizing all European colonial presence in the Americas. In the case of British Guiana (Guyana), the Americans fed Venezuela’s psyche for territorial expansionism as part of a strategy to force the British out. This psyche is seemingly shaped by nationalistic-romanticism with Spanish expansionism and a sense of entitlement to the legacies of Spanish colonialization. When we look beyond Bailey’s arguments and examine evidence specifically relating to Spanish colonization and Spanish relationships with the Amerindians of the Guianas (Guyana, Suriname and Cayenne), we would realize that Venezuela has no legitimate claim to Essequibo- Guyana’s territory it was awarded in 1899- nor the Ankoko Island it annexed in October 1966. It is important to note that the Spanish, neither before nor after the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which divided the New World between the Catholic nations of Spain and Portugal, never succeeded in having settled influence from the Mouth of the Orinoco River to Cayenne (French Guiana). The Spaniards had no clear idea of the geography of the area; not even of the New World which they sought to divide with Portugal. But the Amerindians from the Orinoco region to Cayenne, though not as developed as the Aztecs and Incas of Central America, had a brisk trade network throughout the area which they defended. They never allowed themselves to be conquered by the Spaniards. Besides, every attempt by the Spaniards to establish any presence along the Orinoco River were destroyed by Caribs or abandoned due to epidemics. So much so that for 129 years, the meaningful presence of the Spanish was delimited to Santo Thome between the lower Orinoco and the Amazon rivers, while the Amerindians who delimited them, acquiesced to Dutch governance and alliance. This is an essential reason, though not argued by Britain at the tribunal, why the eastern third of Venezuela’s Bolivar State, including the Cuyuni River’s drainage basin is rightfully part of the Essequibo. That is also a viable premise for application of international law. Instead Britain relied on the 1814 Convention of London which settled the transfer of Dutch colonies the Britain. Unlike the Spanish, the Dutch succeeded in establishing colonies in Essequibo, Berbice and Suriname. This was no accident. The Dutch, who were basically traders, and whose 80 year war with Spain for their independence, involved building alliances and attacking Spain in her colonies, succeeded in most cases because they became allies of the Amerindians against the Spanish, protected them against European enslavement and became adjudicators in inter-ethnic and other conflicts. This relationship is critical for understanding why the boundaries of the Essequibo should really be based on the Amerindian span of presence and response to Dutch governance. Furthermore, even though territorial boundaries were not precisely defined, the Treaty of Munster in 1648 which granted Holland independence from Spain and ended the 80 years’ war of independence also established that both countries mutually recognize their possessions in the Americas. By 1596 the Dutch had a settlement in the Pomeroon that was destroyed. By 1616 Dutch colonist Joost van der Hooge established Kyk-Over-Al as a replacement and administrative centre of the colony.  On arrival Adrian Groenewegen the first governor (1616-1624) succeeded in getting the Amerindians to accept him as their commander. The relationship was mutual. The Dutch depended on the Indians for food supplies etc. The Indians depended on the Dutch to aid their defense against the Spanish. Groenewegen consolidated that relationship by marrying an Amerindian woman and starting a family. As an imperative, he and the Amerindians began to define the territorial boundaries of the Essequibo, which included that piece of territory East of the Orinoco (approximately 5000 square miles) which was granted to Venezuela at the 1899 tribunal. The Venezuelan legal representative Severo Mallet-Provost, whose posthumous memorandum claimed that the Arbitral Award of 1899 was flippant and unjust, and formed the  basis for Venezuela’s renewal of claims to the Essequibo since the 1940-50s, could be right. When the context of the award is analyzed, it is detectable that the award was more an act of appeasement to the Venezuelans and the Americans rather than any just basis for doing so. The British government had three weaknesses. In the first place when the Dutch colony of Essequibo, Berbice and Demerara became consolidated as one colony under British rule by the Articles of Association of 1803, and became known as British Guiana, the relationship between the British and the Amerindians became very restive. The Amerindians who are so critical to the territorial definitions of Guyana became alienated and up to now dependent on trans-border identities for their survival. Secondly, maybe because Demerara was the soul of the British presence here, they were not as vigilant as the Dutch about the territorial boundaries of Essequibo and Berbice. Hence the persistent territorial disputes with both countries. Thirdly, the tribunal only arrived at a decision when the British withdrew its claims apparently to improve relations with America. While the Geneva Agreement of 17 February1966 was apparently an error, since it reopened an issue that should have been closed by the 1899 agreement, it also presents an opportunity for Venezuela to return lands to Guyana. Perhaps even more just would be an Amerindian country between Guyana and Venezuela. Lin-Jay Harry-Voglezon

FM

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