Jagdeo eats well with support from Mr. Su and his clients.  Ordinary people are finding it difficult to make ends meet and Jagdeo is talking about roads, bridges and scholarships.  People can't eat roads, bridges and scholarships. BTW, the so called scholarships are at lagoobagoo online schools.  In any case if people belly hungry they can't learn.  Me uncle Tula pan tap side tell me da ting lang lang ago.

@Totaram posted:

Jagdeo eats well with support from Mr. Su and his clients.  Ordinary people are finding it difficult to make ends meet and Jagdeo is talking about roads, bridges and scholarships.  People can't eat roads, bridges and scholarships. BTW, the so called scholarships are at lagoobagoo online schools.  In any case if people belly hungry they can't learn.  Me uncle Tula pan tap side tell me da ting lang lang ago.

Many online schools are free ,the PPP taking free education and called it scholarships .

He said this philosophy of living above one’s means is exactly what caused Guyana’s economy to suffer economically, making it one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere by 1992 – “That you can eat every cent that you earn, and even more than you earn, so you have to borrow to eat now than to prepare for the future.”

Jagdeo is LIER that's not the reason for Guyana Economic problems prior to 1992. When the PPP won in 1992 the economy was already recovering . The largest bank note was $500. The exchange rate was around US$1 = G$125

He is trying to re-write history.

GUYANA'S ECONOMY IN A SEVERE CRISIS

By Richard J. Meislin, Special To the New York Times -- Oct. 3, 1982 -- Source -- New York Times -- https://www.nytimes.com/1982/1...a-severe-crisis.html

GUYANA'S ECONOMY IN A SEVERE CRISIS

By Richard J. Meislin, Special To the New York Times -- Oct. 3, 1982

The country is suffering from a problem common to the Caribbean region: lower income from its traditional exports - in this case, sugar, rice and bauxite - and sharply higher prices for petroleum products.

Why the above wasn't in bold ?

INDEPENDENCE AND THE BURNHAM ERA

History of Guyana

SOURCE: Area Handbook of the US Library of Congress -- http://motherearthtravel.com/h...guyana/history-9.htm

In the first year under Burnham, conditions in the colony began to stabilize. The new coalition administration broke diplomatic ties with Cuba and implemented policies that favored local investors and foreign industry. The colony applied the renewed flow of Western aid to further development of its infrastructure. A constitutional conference was held in London; the conference set May 26, 1966 as the date for the colony's independence. By the time independence was achieved, the country was enjoying economic growth and relative domestic peace.

The newly independent Guyana at first sought to improve relations with its neighbors. For instance, in December 1965 the country had become a charter member of the Caribbean Free Trade Association (Carifta). Relations with Venezuela were not so placid, however. In 1962 Venezuela had announced that it was rejecting the 1899 boundary and would renew its claim to all of Guyana west of the Essequibo River. In 1966 Venezuela seized the Guyanese half of Ankoko Island, in the Cuyuni River, and two years later claimed a strip of sea along Guyana's western coast.

Another challenge to the newly independent government came at the beginning of January 1969, with the Rupununi Rebellion. In the Rupununi region in southwest Guyana, along the Venezuelan border, white settlers and Amerindians rebelled against the central government. Several Guyanese policemen in the area were killed, and spokesmen for the rebels declared the area independent and asked for Venezuelan aid. Troops arrived from Georgetown within days, and the rebellion was quickly put down. Although the rebellion was not a large affair, it exposed underlying tensions in the new state and the Amerindians' marginalized role in the country's political and social life.

The Cooperative Republic

The 1968 elections allowed the PNC to rule without the UF. The PNC won thirty seats, the PPP nineteen seats, and the UF four seats. However, many observers claimed the elections were marred by manipulation and coercion by the PNC. The PPP and UF were part of Guyana's political landscape but were ignored as Burnham began to convert the machinery of state into an instrument of the PNC.

After the 1968 elections, Burnham's policies became more leftist as he announced he would lead Guyana to socialism. He consolidated his dominance of domestic policies through gerrymandering, manipulation of the balloting process, and politicalization of the civil service. A few Indo-Guyanese were coopted into the PNC, but the ruling party was unquestionably the embodiment of the Afro-Guyanese political will. Although the Afro-Guyanese middle class was uneasy with Burnham's leftist leanings, the PNC remained a shield against Indo-Guyanese dominance. The support of the Afro-Guyanese community allowed the PNC to bring the economy under control and to begin organizing the country into cooperatives.

On February 23, 1970, Guyana declared itself a ""cooperative republic"" and cut all ties to the British monarchy. The governor general was replaced as head of state by a ceremonial president. Relations with Cuba were improved, and Guyana became a force in the Nonaligned Movement. In August 1972, Burnham hosted the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Nonaligned Countries in Georgetown. He used this opportunity to address the evils of imperialism and the need to support African liberation movements in southern Africa. Burnham also let Cuban troops use Guyana as a transit point on their way to the war in Angola in the mid- 1970s.

In the early 1970s, electoral fraud became blatant in Guyana. PNC victories always included overseas voters, who consistently and overwhelmingly voted for the ruling party. The police and military intimidated the Indo-Guyanese. The army was accused of tampering with ballot boxes.

Considered a low point in the democratic process, the 1973 elections were followed by an amendment to the constitution that abolished legal appeals to the Privy Council in London. After consolidating power on the legal and electoral fronts, Burnham turned to mobilizing the masses for what was to be Guyana's cultural revolution. A program of national service was introduced that placed an emphasis on self-reliance, loosely defined as Guyana's population feeding, clothing, and housing itself without outside help.

Government authoritarianism increased in 1974 when Burnham advanced the ""paramountcy of the party."" All organs of the state would be considered agencies of the ruling PNC and subject to its control. The state and the PNC became interchangeable; PNC objectives were now public policy.

Burnham's consolidation of power in Guyana was not total; opposition groups were tolerated within limits. For instance, in 1973 the Working People's Alliance (WPA) was founded. Opposed to Burnham's authoritarianism, the WPA was a multiethnic combination of politicians and intellectuals that advocated racial harmony, free elections, and democratic socialism. Although the WPA did not become an official political party until 1979, it evolved as an alternative to Burnham's PNC and Jagan's PPP.

Jagan's political career continued to decline in the 1970s. Outmaneuvered on the parliamentary front, the PPP leader tried another tactic. In April 1975, the PPP ended its boycott of parliament with Jagan stating that the PPP's policy would change from noncooperation and civil resistance to critical support of the Burnham regime. Soon after, Jagan appeared on the same platform with Prime Minister Burnham at the celebration of ten years of Guyanese independence, on May 26, 1976.

Despite Jagan's conciliatory move, Burnham had no intention of sharing powers and continued to secure his position. When overtures intended to bring about new elections and PPP participation in the government were brushed aside, the largely Indo-Guyanese sugar work force went on a bitter strike. The strike was broken, and sugar production declined steeply from 1976 to 1977. The PNC postponed the 1978 elections, opting instead for a referendum to be held in July 1978, proposing to keep the incumbent assembly in power.

The July 1978 national referendum was poorly received. Although the PNC government proudly proclaimed that 71 percent of eligible voters participated and that 97 percent approved the referendum, other estimates put turnout at 10 to 14 percent. The low turnout was caused in large part by a boycott led by the PPP, WPA, and other opposition forces.

Burnham's control over Guyana began to weaken when the Jonestown massacre brought unwanted international attention. In the 1970s, Jim Jones, leader of the People's Temple of Christ, moved more than 1,000 of his followers from San Francisco to form Jonestown, a utopian agricultural community near Port Kaituma in western Guyana. The People's Temple of Christ was regarded by members of the Guyanese government as a model agricultural community that shared its vision of settling the hinterland and its view of cooperative socialism. The fact that the People's Temple was well-equipped with openly flaunted weapons hinted that the community had the approval of members of the PNC's inner circle. Complaints of abuse by leaders of the cult prompted United States congressman Leo Ryan to fly to Guyana to investigate. The San Francisco-area representative was shot and killed by members of the People's Temple as he was boarding or airplane at Port Kaituma to return to Georgetown. Fearing further publicity, Jones and more than 900 of his followers died in a massive communal murder and suicide. The November 1978 Jonestown massacre suddenly put the Burnham government under intense foreign scrutiny, especially from the United States. Investigations into the massacre led to allegations that the Guyanese government had links to the fanatical cult.

Although the bloody memory of Jonestown faded, Guyanese politics experienced a violent year in 1979. Some of this violence was directed against the WPA, which had emerged as a vocal critic of the state and of Burnham in particular. One of the party's leaders, Walter Rodney, and several professors at the University of Guyana were arrested on arson charges. The professors were soon released, and Rodney was granted bail. WPA leaders then organized the alliance into Guyana's most vocal opposition party.

As 1979 wore on, the level of violence continued to escalate. In October Minister of Education Vincent Teekah was mysteriously shot to death. The following year, Rodney was killed by a car bomb. The PNC government quickly accused Rodney of being a terrorist who had died at the hands of his own bomb and charged his brother Donald with being an accomplice. Later investigation implicated the Guyanese government, however. Rodney was a well- known leftist, and the circumstances of his death damaged Burnham's image with many leaders and intellectuals in less- developed countries who earlier had been willing to overlook the authoritarian nature of his government.

A new constitution was promulgated in 1980. The old ceremonial post of president was abolished, and the head of government became the executive president, chosen, as the former position of prime minister had been, by the majority party in the National Assembly. Burnham automatically became Guyana's first executive president and promised elections later in the year. In elections held on December 15, 1980, the PNC claimed 77 percent of the vote and forty-one seats of the popularly elected seats, plus the ten chosen by the regional councils. The PPP and UF won ten and two seats, respectively. The WPA refused to participate in an electoral contest it regarded as fraudulent. Opposition claims of electoral fraud were upheld by a team of international observers headed by Britain's Lord Avebury.

The economic crisis facing Guyana in the early 1980s deepened considerably, accompanied by the rapid deterioration of public services, infrastructure, and overall quality of life. Blackouts occurred almost daily, and water services were increasingly unsatisfactory. The litany of Guyana's decline included shortages of rice and sugar (both produced in the country), cooking oil, and kerosene. While the formal economy sank, the black market economy in Guyana thrived.

In the midst of this turbulent period, Burnham underwent surgery for a throat ailment. On August 6, 1985, while in the care of Cuban doctors, Guyana's first and only leader since independence unexpectedly died. An epoch had abruptly ended. Guyana was suddenly in the post-Burnham era.

From Burnham to Hoyte

Despite concerns that the country was about to fall into a period of political instability, the transfer of power went smoothly. Vice President Desmond Hoyte became the new executive president and leader of the PNC. His initial tasks were threefold: to secure authority within the PNC and national government, to take the PNC through the December 1985 elections, and to revitalize the stagnant economy.

Hoyte's first two goals were easily accomplished. The new leader took advantage of factionalism within the PNC to quietly consolidate his authority. The December 1985 elections gave the PNC 79 percent of the vote and forty-two of the fifty-three directly elected seats. Eight of the remaining eleven seats went to the PPP, two went to the UF, and one to the WPA. Charging fraud, the opposition boycotted the December 1986 municipal elections. With no opponents, the PNC won all ninety-one seats in local government.

Revitalizing the economy proved more difficult. As a first step, Hoyte gradually moved to embrace the private sector, recognizing that state control of the economy had failed. Hoyte's administration lifted all curbs on foreign activity and ownership in 1988.

Although the Hoyte government did not completely abandon the authoritarianism of the Burnham regime, it did make certain political reforms. Hoyte abolished overseas voting and the provisions for widespread proxy and postal voting. Independent newspapers were given greater freedom, and political harassment abated considerably.

In September 1988, Hoyte visited the United States and became the first Guyanese head of state to meet with his United States counterpart. By October 1988, Hoyte felt strong enough to make public his break with the policies of the Burnham administration. In a nationally televised address on October 11, he focused Guyana's economic and foreign policies on the West, linking Guyana's future economic development to regional economies and noting that the strengthening of Guyana's relations with the United States was ""imperative."" While these objectives were in contrast to the policies of the past two decades, it was unclear what the long-term political and economic results would be.

Jagdeo should tell the Citizens what are the carrying charges for the Marriot and the Skeldon estate.  These were his pet forward looking projects.

@Mitwah posted:

Jagdeo should tell the Citizens what are the carrying charges for the Marriot and the Skeldon estate.  These were his pet forward looking projects.

Jagdeo has been reckless with the people's money and somehow they still believe he is some kind of financial expert.  He is now set to squander the oil money.

@Totaram posted:

Jagdeo has been reckless with the people's money and somehow they still believe he is some kind of financial expert.  He is now set to squander the oil money.

Unless ,stopped from doing so.

@Django posted:

Unless ,stopped from doing so.

He is the Czar of Guyana. Unstoppable.

The PNC destroyed Guyana. The PPP began to re-build in 1992. The APNU/AFC was given a chance to perform better in government in 2015, but failed the test miserably. The electorate put back the PPP in power in 2020 and the country is moving forward.  Come 2025 we want to see how the electorate will vote. 

SAFEGUARD THE PEOPLE'S VOTES FROM THE LOWENFIELDS AND HIS FRIENDS IN THE APNU AND ITS UNHOLY PARTER, THE afc.

@Billy Ram Balgobin posted:

The PNC destroyed Guyana. The PPP began to re-build in 1992. The APNU/AFC was given a chance to perform better in government in 2015, but failed the test miserably. The electorate put back the PPP in power in 2020 and the country is moving forward.  Come 2025 we want to see how the electorate will vote.

SAFEGUARD THE PEOPLE'S VOTES FROM THE LOWENFIELDS AND HIS FRIENDS IN THE APNU AND ITS UNHOLY PARTER, THE afc.

The PPP was installed in 2020 and not elected by the people.

@Mitwah posted:

The PPP was installed in 2020 and not elected by the people.

Ooohhhhhh really Mitwah ...

Perhaps, you are unaware that the Chancellor of the Judiciary  conducted the swearing-in procedures for Irfaaan Ali to become President in 2020.

Also, former President David Granger recognized and accepted the decision by GECOM that the PPP/C has won the elections.

==================

Chancellor of the Judiciary, Justice Yonette Cummings-Edwards swears in Dr Mohammed Irfaan Ali as the 9th Executive President of Guyana at the Arthur Chung Conference Centre yesterday.

Exactly five months after voters went to the polls and the rolling back of blatant efforts to rig the March 2nd general elections in favour of APNU+AFC, the PPP/C’s presidential candidate Irfaan Ali was dramatically sworn in yesterday as Guyana’s 9th President.

The fast-moving events came after Chief Election Officer Keith Lowenfield finally submitted the results of the recount showing a PPP/C victory to GECOM Chair Claudette Singh who then declared Ali the new President and advised the Chancellor of the Judiciary to prepare for the swearing in.

Ali was sworn in at around 4.20 pm at the Arthur Chung Conference Centre, Liliendaal, the culmination of months of stalemate that saw an exhaustive recount of ballots overseen by CARICOM  and a flurry of legal actions that went all the way to the Caribbean Court of Justice.

Shortly after taking the oath of office, the 40-year-old Ali used his inaugural address to promise a term built on unity of the nation and trust.

“I want to assure you that I would uphold that oath; that I would work every day, in the best interest of the people of Guyana. There is only one future, and that future requires a united Guyana,” Ali said.

“That future requires a strong Guyana that future requires every Guyanese to play a part in building our country and ensuring we leave a better Guyana for the next generation. We are in this together. We are not separated by class, ethnicity, religion or political persuasion. We are united in the true Guyanese spirit,” he added.

Former Army Chief of Staff and Ali’s campaign mate, Brigadier Mark Phillips was also sworn in as Prime Minister.

Singh was not present at the swearing-in ceremony.

In attendance at yesterday’s ceremony were members of the diplomatic community, Heads of the Joint Services, Ali’s wife Arya and infant son, his parents and several party executives and supporters. The newly sworn in President said that he had extended an invitation to his predecessor David Granger but he did not attend.

Ali, who also served under former President Bharrat Jagdeo as Housing Minister, also announced three appointments and said it was the “first set of appointments for the next Cabinet”. Jagdeo was named Vice President, Gail Teixeira as Minister of Governance and Parliamentary Affairs and Anil Nandlall as Attorney General and Minister of Legal Affairs, a position he held up to 2015, when the PPP/C lost those elections. They all took their oaths yesterday.

While he did not go into detail about immediate ministerial or development plans, Ali promised that at his inauguration celebration, scheduled to be held this Saturday, he will “announce the plans of your government fully.”

For the new President, getting to work immediately to build a nation that has endured economic setbacks not only from the five-month political impasse but also from global COVID-19 restrictions was a priority.

“This is a moment for all Guyana to reflect to charter a way forward in which to develop the aspirations of all our people. We have to ensure that this is what the government would focus on; a development agenda that would focus on the priorities of every Guyanese. We are building a country for every Guyanese. There is no need for fear, there is no need for fear, and there is no need for distinction based on political persuasion, no need for distinction based on race or ethnicity. This is a government for all of Guyana that is the way we will operate. We are committed to democracy, good governance and the rule of law”, he said.

During his election campaign, Ali told the nation that if elected, they would never have to call him “lazy”, as he vowed that he will make his hometown proud as, according to him, he plans to work fervently to create and implement policies, both fiscal and social, that would see Guyana benefiting significantly, moreso with wealth from its emerging oil and gas sector.

“I assure you that I will not disappoint you. I assure you that I will not be lazy. I assure you that I will be out there. I assure you that I will not buckle under any circumstances.  I assure you that I will not succumb to any threat under any circumstances that will come our way. I will stand with this party and I will stand with all of our supporters and all of Guyana against any threat that comes our way,” he had said.

Yesterday, Ali, who had been dogged on the campaign trail by questions over his academic credentials, said  that he felt “honoured” that voters trusted him enough to be their president and he vowed once again that they will not regret their decision.

He promised that he will offer “a government that is accessible and one that would be more than will to share with you information as we work on building our Guyana, in the interest of all”.

Dressed in a royal blue suit and signature party red neck tie, Ali, who will have to confront concerns about the influence that Jagdeo will have on his government, said that he never gave up hope that democracy would prevail and always believed that the day would come when he would be sworn in based on the will of the people.

To claims from the opposition that the election was fraudulent and that the recount results should not have been used, he said that the court has ruled in the latter matter and the law gives the right to contesting parties to file an elections petition.

“I think that matter has been dealt with at the court and I am not going to go over that at this time. The CEO is entitled to his own opinion. Any political party can go to an elections petition. A new government has been sworn in, a new president has been sworn in and we are focusing on transitioning to a Guyana in which our development aspirations can be realized and our focus now is not on negativity. Our focus is on positive activity for Guyana,” he said.

“I was always confident. The events [of these five months]  have strengthened my resolve and commitment to ensuring that there is always democracy, good governance and the rule of law and the changes required to ensure we are never in a position like this again. That must be addressed,” he added.

Expressing thanks to the 10 contesting parties which supported the PPP over the months and were equally swift to condemn fraudulent acts by the GECOM CEO and District Four Returning Officer Clairmont Mingo, Ali said that their work has not been in vain and it will be remembered.

“Today is about celebrating democracy. I cannot leave this podium without thanking our international partners, our regional partners and all the political parties and members of the Guyanese community who committed themselves for service to country. I assure you that Guyana is better because of your efforts. Today I take the oath of office because of the hard work of many individuals,” he said.

“There is a lot of work to be done and this work will start instantaneously,” he added.

David Granger

Granger should hang up his gloves and enjoy his pension. Can anyone name something extra-ordinary that he has done during his Presidency?