Mr Roger Khan and the private sector
By Stabroek staff Editorial.
Monday, September 19, 2011.
Considering that he is widely believed to have commandeered a death squad that eliminated dozens of suspected criminals and rivals while reputedly aiding in the fight against crime, it is not suprising that Mr Roger Khan’s connections with the government and senior government officials have come under scrutiny. It is appropriate that this connection come under the strictest examination as it is this unholy alliance that has likely ripped to shreds the foundational pillar of the rule of law and is continuing to do damage to law and order. Thus far, because the
government and the ruling party have refused to address these potent and damning allegations, Mr Khan’s ties with the government remain at the top of the agenda. However, one must not forget, never forget, that the same measure of complicity or even greater was exhibited by sections of the private sector and civil society in the varied activities of Mr Khan.
From the initiation of his drug activities here a decade or so ago, it is not difficult to imagine how many hundreds of middlemen, small businessmen and others migrated to Mr Khan’s web of drug corruption and assisted in the transport and distribution of his drugs from the west of Guyana to ports abroad such as New York. That conspiracy would have inevitably ensnared people in the transport sector, aviation, customs, etc. Mr Khan was believed to have had a particularly close relationship to a cambio through which a lot of his informal transactions were handled. It however is not inconceivable that he also had ties with the formal banking sector. Inquisitive Guyanese would pay top dollar to inspect Mr Khan’s tax returns and to discover why he never came under the scrutiny of the government’s Financial Intelligence Unit. That his thriving drug business managed to stay under the radar for years points accusing figures at many and those regulatory agencies that either turned a blind eye or were easily bribed.
It wasn’t only his drug business that thrived. Mr Khan had satellite enterprises ranging from a supposed laundromat – this must have been some private joke in his network – a construction business, a housing development, a private security agency and a night club, among other interests. All of these businesses utilised the proceeds of his drug business and this must have been apparent to a broad network of his business partners. None of them seemed concerned or had the moral mettle to avoid business with him.
The connections to the private sector didn’t end there. At the height of his powers and as the 2002 escapees rose to fame Mr Khan was forced to take security much more seriously. He and many others. At some point in the rampage of the escapees it became clear to Mr Khan and some of his associates in the drug business that they would be targeted. The escapees had apparently had a philosophical outlook on who they would target: they were going to take on people in the underworld. This created tremors in the ranks of the organised crime community and compromised businessmen. Mr Khan and his brothers in the underworld marshalled their resources for protection. Among them there may not have been the need to question the type of business that Mr Khan was in, but it is obvious that his security apparatus, drawing from the ranks of the security forces and private security, had many interconnections with the private sector as it related to weaponry, ammunition, transport and the like. The security service provided by Mr Khan naturally had strings attached to it.
Then there was the ultimate act of self-preservation where Mr Khan graduated from simply securing his interests and those of his friends and moved towards active elimination of the escapees and others who were believed to have been involved in crime. Mr Khan clearly had some understanding with the joint services – subsequent to his arrest in 2002 – which allowed him to conduct his elimination operations without hindrance. Whenever there was a hit that was apparently conducted by Mr Khan’s phantom squad the police were never around to intercept or pursue. They dutifully arrived after and appeared to have no clue. More to the point there had been many reliable reports that whenever Mr Khan’s phantom squad conducted operations he was ably assisted with resources provided by the private sector, boots on the ground, transport, logistics and communication. Perhaps the private sector was convinced as were many among the public that the state was incapable of securing Guyanese. That however was no excuse for engaging in this illicit operation. Those who participated in these exercises were themselves guilty of criminal conduct and are all culpable of helping to undermine the fabric of the rule of law.
Mr Khan also had a range of other connections at various levels of society including legal and religious circles. Whether these persons were unaware of his activities is unknown. What is known is that Mr Khan, the trafficker and phantom gang leader, ingratiated himself into various circles and co-opted them into his services, ultimately to the detriment of the rule of law.
HOW DID KHAN OPERATED ALL THESE PRIVATE BUSINESS WITH NO INNER CONNECTION WITH THE GOG ?
By Stabroek staff Editorial.
Monday, September 19, 2011.
Considering that he is widely believed to have commandeered a death squad that eliminated dozens of suspected criminals and rivals while reputedly aiding in the fight against crime, it is not suprising that Mr Roger Khan’s connections with the government and senior government officials have come under scrutiny. It is appropriate that this connection come under the strictest examination as it is this unholy alliance that has likely ripped to shreds the foundational pillar of the rule of law and is continuing to do damage to law and order. Thus far, because the
government and the ruling party have refused to address these potent and damning allegations, Mr Khan’s ties with the government remain at the top of the agenda. However, one must not forget, never forget, that the same measure of complicity or even greater was exhibited by sections of the private sector and civil society in the varied activities of Mr Khan.
From the initiation of his drug activities here a decade or so ago, it is not difficult to imagine how many hundreds of middlemen, small businessmen and others migrated to Mr Khan’s web of drug corruption and assisted in the transport and distribution of his drugs from the west of Guyana to ports abroad such as New York. That conspiracy would have inevitably ensnared people in the transport sector, aviation, customs, etc. Mr Khan was believed to have had a particularly close relationship to a cambio through which a lot of his informal transactions were handled. It however is not inconceivable that he also had ties with the formal banking sector. Inquisitive Guyanese would pay top dollar to inspect Mr Khan’s tax returns and to discover why he never came under the scrutiny of the government’s Financial Intelligence Unit. That his thriving drug business managed to stay under the radar for years points accusing figures at many and those regulatory agencies that either turned a blind eye or were easily bribed.
It wasn’t only his drug business that thrived. Mr Khan had satellite enterprises ranging from a supposed laundromat – this must have been some private joke in his network – a construction business, a housing development, a private security agency and a night club, among other interests. All of these businesses utilised the proceeds of his drug business and this must have been apparent to a broad network of his business partners. None of them seemed concerned or had the moral mettle to avoid business with him.
The connections to the private sector didn’t end there. At the height of his powers and as the 2002 escapees rose to fame Mr Khan was forced to take security much more seriously. He and many others. At some point in the rampage of the escapees it became clear to Mr Khan and some of his associates in the drug business that they would be targeted. The escapees had apparently had a philosophical outlook on who they would target: they were going to take on people in the underworld. This created tremors in the ranks of the organised crime community and compromised businessmen. Mr Khan and his brothers in the underworld marshalled their resources for protection. Among them there may not have been the need to question the type of business that Mr Khan was in, but it is obvious that his security apparatus, drawing from the ranks of the security forces and private security, had many interconnections with the private sector as it related to weaponry, ammunition, transport and the like. The security service provided by Mr Khan naturally had strings attached to it.
Then there was the ultimate act of self-preservation where Mr Khan graduated from simply securing his interests and those of his friends and moved towards active elimination of the escapees and others who were believed to have been involved in crime. Mr Khan clearly had some understanding with the joint services – subsequent to his arrest in 2002 – which allowed him to conduct his elimination operations without hindrance. Whenever there was a hit that was apparently conducted by Mr Khan’s phantom squad the police were never around to intercept or pursue. They dutifully arrived after and appeared to have no clue. More to the point there had been many reliable reports that whenever Mr Khan’s phantom squad conducted operations he was ably assisted with resources provided by the private sector, boots on the ground, transport, logistics and communication. Perhaps the private sector was convinced as were many among the public that the state was incapable of securing Guyanese. That however was no excuse for engaging in this illicit operation. Those who participated in these exercises were themselves guilty of criminal conduct and are all culpable of helping to undermine the fabric of the rule of law.
Mr Khan also had a range of other connections at various levels of society including legal and religious circles. Whether these persons were unaware of his activities is unknown. What is known is that Mr Khan, the trafficker and phantom gang leader, ingratiated himself into various circles and co-opted them into his services, ultimately to the detriment of the rule of law.
HOW DID KHAN OPERATED ALL THESE PRIVATE BUSINESS WITH NO INNER CONNECTION WITH THE GOG ?