Guyana in best place for 52 years in relation to border controversy -President

“the Militia was on the march again.” The PNCR leader iterated the importance of the Guyana Peoples Militia (GPM) to the security of the nation and called on Party members and supporters to enlist.

The PNC Militia is on the move again, they are there to suppress the Indians, to thief ballot boxes, to stuff ballot boxes and to intimidate the the Indian villages.The next election is a MUST WIN, hook or crook.

kp posted:

“the Militia was on the march again.” The PNCR leader iterated the importance of the Guyana Peoples Militia (GPM) to the security of the nation and called on Party members and supporters to enlist.

The PNC Militia is on the move again, they are there to suppress the Indians, to thief ballot boxes, to stuff ballot boxes and to intimidate the the Indian villages.The next election is a MUST WIN, hook or crook.

Suh only afro Guyanese will be enlisted ?

Historically  who are PNC members, except for you and Mitwah they are Blacks.

kp posted:

Historically  who are PNC members, except for you and Mitwah they are Blacks.

Let us look at the PPP,historically the members are East Indians,am i correct ?

Seeing the pieces are putting together,if the trend continues where is Guyana heading ?

Django posted:

kp posted:

Historically  who are PNC members, except for you and Mitwah they are Blacks.

Let us look at the PPP,historically the members are East Indians,am i correct ?

Seeing the pieces are putting together,if the trend continues where is Guyana heading ?

This goes way back when Burnham left and started the PNC he wanted to have an Afro political party.

kp posted:

Django posted:

kp posted:

Historically  who are PNC members, except for you and Mitwah they are Blacks.

Let us look at the PPP,historically the members are East Indians,am i correct ?

Seeing the pieces are putting together,if the trend continues where is Guyana heading ?

This goes way back when Burnham left and started the PNC he wanted to have an Afro political party.

REPRESSION AGAINST THE PPP - 1953-1955

On the suspension of the constitution and the ousting of the PPP Government, the Governor, Sir Alfred Savage, declared a state of emergency throughout the country. The officer ranks of the police force were doubled in very quick time, and a detention centre was prepared at the Atkinson Field Air Base. Five PPP leaders - Sydney King, Rory Westmaas, Martin Carter, Ajodha Singh and Bally Lachmansingh - were on 24 October 1953 arrested and locked up in this detention camp. Lachmansingh was released not too long after due to ill health, but the others remained in detention without trial for 81 days and they were finally released on 12 January 1954. But they were restricted to their residential districts and had to report to the police two times a week.

Meanwhile, the PPP launched a campaign of civil disobedience, even though some leading members felt that such a campaign was non-revolutionary. The British authorities on the other hand were determined to crush the Party, and the police and the British army carried out raids on the homes of its leaders, many of whom had to obtain police permission to travel out from their areas of residence. Brindley Benn, an executive member of the PPP was restricted to New Amsterdam, while Ram Karran, treasurer of the PPP, was restricted to Bel Air. Cheddi and Janet Jagan were restricted to Georgetown from 1 April 1954. Others placed under residential restriction at the same time were Chrisna Ramsarran, and Eric Huntley. Many other party activists were under permanent observation by the police, while others had to report daily to police stations. Numerous Party members were charged with varying offences ostensibly for breaching the emergency regulations, and some who refused to pay the fines were sentenced to prison terms.

In Berbice, Nazrudeen and Fred Bowman were charged with sedition, but they won their cases through the efforts of their brilliant defence consul, the British lawyer D.N. Pritt. Nazrudeen himself and 74 other persons were also arrested for participating in a May Day procession at Skeldon.

Under the state of emergency, public meetings and gatherings were banned, but this applied only to the PPP, since pro-British political groups were granted permission to hold meetings. PPP leaders were harassed and even their presence at religious ceremonies was regarded by the police as political activity.

This repression by the British colonial authorities and the Interim Government was condemned by the weekly newspaper, the Clarion, a bitter critic of the PPP, when in July 1954 it accused the police and the magistrates of abusing their powers. The newspaper condemned the police for its "campaign of naked brutality against private citizens", and the magistracy for abusing its power "by giving ample support to these police outrages."

Senior civil servants who had showed loyalty to the ousted PPP Government also felt the iron hand of the Interim Government. They were removed from key posts or were refused promotion.

Organisations such as the Demerara Youth Rally, the Pioneer Youth League and the British Guiana Peace Committee were banned on 15 December 1953. And in May 1954, the police, in the effort to clamp down on PPP political activities, closed down the Party's Regent Street headquarters.

In keeping with the Party's policy of civil disobedience, Dr. Jagan broke the restriction order on 3 April by travelling to Mahaicony where he had a branch dental surgery. He was arrested and taken to Georgetown where he was charged and brought before a magistrate. After a preliminary hearing, he was placed on bail and released. As he was walking back to his dental clinic, a crowd of supporters gathered behind him, and immediately the police re-arrested him and 15 others and locked up them in a small cell at the Brickdam Police Station in Georgetown. Others who were eventually charged for demonstrating (or following Dr. Jagan) were Janet Jagan, Rory Westmaas, Martin Carter, Eustace Sam, Eric Braithwaite, P. Sampson, and three others.

Dr. Jagan appeared before Magistrate Guy Sharples the next morning and refused to put up a defence saying that he should not be the one on trial. He told the magistrate that the Governor and the British Government were the ones who should be facing judgement in the court.

The magistrate sentenced him to six months imprisonment with hard labour. This sentence was roundly condemned even by the supporters of the Interim Government and the British Government. The London Tribune stated: "This is one of the most cowardly and miserable acts of British imperialism since the war."

Dr. Jagan began his prison term at the Camp Street jail in Georgetown, but because of his persistence in holding group discussions on social and political issues with other prisoners, he and other PPP political prisoners, including Ram Karran, (who was jailed in July for four months for breaking his restrictions), were kept in a separate section of the prison. But because there were constant demonstrations by PPP supporters on the streets outside the jail, Dr. Jagan, Ram Karran and two other PPP political prisoners were later transferred to the Mazaruni prison in Essequibo.

After spending five months in prison, Dr. Jagan was released having obtained one month off for good behaviour. His initial release date was 11 September 1954, but since he refused to ready himself for a 4.00 a.m. release instead of the normal 6.00 a.m. release time, he was kept an extra day in prison. The authorities wanted him to leave the jail before daybreak to frustrate the large crowd that was building up to greet him. Nevertheless, on the 12 September a large crowd was on hand to greet him as he walked out from the Camp Street jail.

A few days before Dr. Jagan was released, Janet Jagan was charged by the police for being in possession of a secret Police Riot Manual and for holding a public meeting. The Manual was planted in her house by the police, and the "public meeting" was actually a Hindu religious ceremony which she attended in West Demerara. She was sentenced to prison for six months with hard labour. She served a difficult period of five months and was released almost half-starved on 18 January 1955.

During 1954, the police also charged PPP leaders and supporters under the Undesirable Publications Ordinance. Those charged in June included Dr. Joseph Lachmansingh, Jane Phillips Gay, Ashton Chase, Janet Jagan, Mohamed Khan, Nazrudeen, Brindley Benn, Lancelot Benn, Pat Philips, Vernon Thomas and his grandmother Caroline Azore.

At Vreed-en-hoop, Pandit Misir, Lloyd Duncan, Vincent George, Lawrence Vincent and Edwin Mercurius were charged with violating the emergency regulations. In July 1954, Rory Westmaas, Martin Carter and Fred Bowman were jailed for three months, and in September, Eric Huntley was sentenced to eight months in prison - all on charges for breaching the emergency regulations.

In August 1954, eight PPP activists were held in detention without trial for periods up to nine months. Those detained were Neville Annibourne, Oudit Jagan, Sookdeo Kawal, Sydney Kuttain, Isaac Etwaru, Bisoon Persaud, Pooran Goolcharran and Eddie Goolcharran.

THE SPLIT IN THE PPP

Shortly after the ousting of the PPP Government, numerous reactionary elements in Guyana and from abroad spent a considerable amount of time and energy working on the so called "moderates" to seize control of the Party. Open appeals were made to Burnham in the press to take the leadership of the PPP from Dr. Jagan and the "extremists". Apparently, those who made the appeals saw Burnham as an opportunist who would follow the suggestions made by the Robertson Commission.

The British were already viewing Burnham as an outright opportunist. Patrick Gordon Walker who led a British Parliamentary fact-finding trip to Guyana in 1954 declared that Burnham's whole political approach was opportunistic, and that he would "tack and turn as advantage seems to dictate."

By the end of 1954, it was clear that some party leaders had been influenced by the British authorities to seize control of the PPP from Dr. Jagan and his supporters. At a meeting of the Party's Executive Committee held at that time, Burnham, as Chairman, used his casting vote to approve a motion for the holding of a congress on 12-13 February 1955. Five members could not attend the meeting because they were in prison and three others were restricted to their home districts. At a next meeting when only 6 of the 16 members were present, a decision was taken to hold the congress in Georgetown, instead of Berbice, as was agreed upon at the previous congress. Dr. Jagan objected that this decision was unconstitutional since seven members were required for a quorum of the Executive Committee.

In mid-January, Burnham announced that the congress would be held on 12-13 February in Georgetown. Meanwhile attempts to convene meetings of the Party's General Council to discuss the issue failed for lack of a quorum. The General Secretary, Mrs. Jagan, then announced that there would be no congress unless the General Council ratified it. The majority of the members of the Executive Committee, shortly after, decided to hold a series of meetings to resolve the differences over this issue. However, some members were still in prison and others were restricted from moving out from their residential districts and therefore could not attend.

The majority of the members of the Executive Committee felt that the proposed congress should be cancelled because the situation in the country had worsened. However, Burnham argued that members would abandon the Party if the congress was called off, and suggested that the Executive Committee should agree on the persons to be elected at the congress. The majority disagreed indicating that such a process was undemocratic. However, there was no doubt that Burnham and his supporters were intent on getting rid of the so-called extremists. One of his supporters on the Executive Committee, Ulric Fingal, along with Jessie Burnham, was actually enrolling new members into the party free of charge and supplying them with membership cards which were not issued officially by the Party.

At one of the meetings, Dr. Jagan suggested that instead of a congress, the Executive Committee should hold a special conference with a fixed agenda. However, discussions on this suggestion broke down.

Finally, on 5 February, the General Secretary issued a statement indicating that no annual congress would be held in February since it had already been agreed by the Party at its congress in 1953, that the next congress would be held in Berbice during the month of March.

Later on the same day, Burnham circulated a handbill insisting that the congress would be held on 12-13 February. By the following day, a leaflet circulated by the assistant secretary of the Party, Sydney King, called on party members to struggle for the lifting of the state of Emergency saying that only after this was done could a genuine congress be held.

On 7 February, the General Council of the Party issued a statement declaring that according to the Party's constitution the holding of a congress in February was illegal and unconstitutional. Fourteen members signed the statement; five others (Burnham, his wife Sheila and sister Jessie, Dr. Lachmaningh and Ulric Fingal) refused to sign. Three members were absent - Ashton Chase was in London, Eric Huntley was in prison and Clinton Wong had resigned in 1953.

A meeting of the Executive Committee in 8 February decided that Dr. Jagan and Burnham should meet to work out a solution to the impasse. Following these discussions, the Party issued a statement on 11 February signed by Burnham, as Chairman, and Janet Jagan, as General Secretary, declaring that the meeting to be convened on 12-13 February would be a special conference and not a congress.

Despite this clear statement, two of Burnham's close supporters, Dr. Lachmansingh and Jai Narine Singh, circulated a leaflet on the evening of 11 February urging people to attend the "congress" to be held at the Auditorium on Charlotte Street on 12 February and at the Metropole Cinema on 13 February. Burnham claimed he was not associated with this leaflet, even though his supporters were openly distributing them. These persons were openly urging party members to disregard the statement issued by Burnham and Mrs. Jagan and were announcing that elections would be held at the "congress". As a result of these developments, seven of the thirteen available members of the Executive Committee, including Dr. Jagan, boycotted the first day of the conference. They, however, attended the sessions on second day at the Metropole Cinema.

Shortly after the meeting started on the second day, Burnham's close associate Clinton Wong, who had resigned from the Party in 1953, requested the suspension of the standing orders on the grounds that he wanted to move a motion of no confidence in the Executive Committee and for the holding of new elections. Even though the majority of the members of the Executive Committee disagreed, Burnham allowed the motion. Immediately, the majority of the Executive Committee (Dr. Jagan, Janet Jagan, Rory Westmaas, Fred Bowman, Martin Carter, George Robertson, Naipaul Jagan and Lionel Jeffrey) and 200 other members - the majority - walked out from the meeting.

Burnham's action, which breached the decision he agreed to only two days before, decisively spit the PPP. The splitters "elected" a new "leadership" which comprised of Forbes Burnham as leader, Dr. Lachhmansingh , chairman; Cheddi Jagan, senior vice-chairman; Clinton Wong, junior vice-chairman; Jai Narine Singh, secretary; Jessie Burnham, assistant secretary; Janet Jagan, treasurer; and as general council members Sydney King, Rudy Luck, Ulric Fingal, E. Bobb, A.P Alleyne, R. Mitchell, Surajballi, H. Sargeant, Pandit Misir, Pandit Ramoutar, Jagnarine, Mohamed Khan, R. Fields, Jane Phillips-Gay and M. Edinboro.

Some of these persons "elected" were not part of the Burnham faction, but Burnham and his followers wanted to create an impression that they were in control of the united PPP. However, since the great majority of the PPP membership refused to follow the splitters, Burnham's group was clearly another entity.

Burnham's group also called itself the People's Progressive Party which also began publishing a newspaper - also given the name Thunder. (This situation was to continue until 1957 when the Burnham group merged with the UDP and named itself the People's National Congress and changing its paper's name to the New Nation).

THE AFTERMATH OF THE SPLIT

On 15 February 1955, two days after the split, the Executive Committee of the PPP met and expelled Burnham, Jainarine Singh and Dr. Lachmansingh. Burnham was expelled for "conducting a special conference in a manner which violated the Party's constitution and a decision of the Executive Committee." Singh and Lachmansingh were expelled for publishing a leaflet on the day before the conference, thus violating a decision of the Executive Committee and calculated to disrupt the unity of the Party. Burnham's sister Jessie and Ulric Fingal were suspended from the Party for issuing membership cards for two weeks before the conference without being authorised to do so by the Executive Committee. (Jessie Burnham, who was assistant secretary on the splitters' group, in 1958 denounced her brother as a racist and opportunist and later rejoined the PPP. Fingal also rejoined the PPP around the same time).

The pro-colonial daily Argosy of the 16 February, 1955 wrote about the disciplinary actions of the PPP: "Last night's decision indicates that the Jagan's claim on the unconstitutionality of the elections has been accepted and that the moves by the Party's 'moderates' to oust the 'Reds' from power has failed."

In April 1955, the PPP (led by Dr. Jagan) held a congress at Buxton. It was chaired by Sydney King who moved a motion to declare the elections held at the February conference null and void. This motion was approved as well as another expelling Burnham and his faction from the Party. The delegates at this congress came mainly from the rural areas and it was heavily attended by the Party's African membership. This congress convinced the majority of Africans in the rural areas that Burnham's actions in February showed that his aim was to achieve personal power.

No doubt, the basis of the "right-wing" opportunistic split was the prospect of new election and the calculation that the splitters would take away majority support from the PPP. Burnham felt that he would carry with him the five seats in Georgetown and Lachmansingh the 8 seats in the sugar belt, thus gaining between them a majority of 13 seats out of the 24 seats in the Legislature.

After the events of February 1955, Burnham and his lieutenants tried desperately to pull the rank and file supporters of the PPP over to his side. Dr. Lachmansingh attempted to woo sugar workers who shunned him whenever he tried to meet with them. It was clear that Burnham's hopes to win support from sugar workers had backfired.

Burnham, having failed to pull the PPP membership over to his side, was thus forced to call a congress of his supporters in March 1956. This congress elected Burnham as leader, Dr. Lachmansingh as chairman, and Jai Narine Singh as secretary. Other officers elected were Clinton Wong, senior vice-chairman; Ulric Fingal, junior vice-chairman; Jessie Burnham, assistant-secretary, M. Edinboro, treasurer; and general council members, Surajballi, Robert Mitchell, H. Sargeant, Mc Greggor, Jagnarine, Shepherd (from Corentyne), Shepherd (from Essequibo), Mohammed Nazir, Evelyn Bobb, R. Fields, Kamal, Jane Phillips-Gay, A.P. Alleyne, Mc Almont and Paul Tennessee.

By its own admission, Burnham's party declared that the split was rightist. At its Congress in March 1956, in reviewing "Party tactics" and "mistakes of the past", it openly expressed that members were anti-communist and that was why they split the PPP.

Jainarine Singh, Secretary of Burnham's Party, declared in the Argosy of the 22 January, 1957 that "....we told the truth about the reason why there has been this split in the PPP. We told the people that Communism was the basis of it all. We, not being Communists, could not support a Communist policy, and that is why we parted company at that time."

Burnham emerged from the split as a racial leader in the urban areas. The PPP under the leadership of Cheddi Jagan continued to have a large following in the rural areas especially on the East Coast of Demerara. A majority of the African members of the General Council and the Executive Committee remained in the Party. It was not until Sydney King left the Party to join Burnham in 1957 did the African support on the East Coast Demerara, where King was very popular, gravitate towards Burnham.

Burnham's close supporter, R.B.O. Hart, writing in the Guiana Graphic on 20 February 1955 - one week after the split- stated: "Burnham now emerges as a racial and sectional leader. He leads the African section of the population, rather more than less. Jagan has greater claims to being called a national leader, since in any show-down, Jagan will get ten times as many Africans following him, as Burnham will get Indians."

THE ALL-PARTY CONFERENCES

After the split in the PPP, Burnham on the one hand and the Interim Government on the other made many efforts to win over the supporters of Dr. Jagan and the PPP to their side. The Interim Government led by the new Governor, Sir Patrick Renison, tried its best to destroy the leadership of the people by restricting and imprisoning leaders of the PPP. The authorities also prevented the Party from holding public meetings to bring the people up-to-date with the events happening in the country. Despite these drawbacks, the PPP did not lose the support of the Guyanese people. The supporters of colonial rule realised that the Party's strength was not being diminished, and this fact urged the Chairman of Bookers, Jock Campbell, to call early in 1956 for all political parties and groupings to form a common front against the PPP.

To attempt to fulfil this aim, W.J.Raatgever, Sugrim Singh and Rev. D.C. Bobb, members of the interim legislature, sponsored an All-Party Conference when they called a meeting of political parties and social groups at the Auditorium in Georgetown on the 5 April, 1956. The PPP also attended the meeting even though the general objective was to organise all the groupings into an anti-PPP coalition. But the meeting did not achieve this objective since most of those attending agreed with Dr. Jagan's view that there should be united action against the state of emergency, and also for the holding of a free general election. Dr. Jagan tried to get this moved as a motion but the sponsors of the Conference opposed it, and Raatgever, the chairman of the meeting, ruled against any discussion.

Despite this, the meeting agreed to a compromise motion moved by Dr. Jagan for the Conference to prepare a new agenda to discuss ways and means of achieving the aim of struggling for a free general election and for united action against the emergency. The next meeting of the Conference was fixed for the 26 April, but the announcement by the Governor of the new constitutional proposals [See Chapter 142] on the 25 April frightened the sponsors into calling off the meeting.

Recognising the urgent need for unity, Dr. Jagan took the initiative and urged three other members of the legislature, Dr. J.B. Singh, Hugh Wharton and Leslie Davis to set up another All-Party Conference. The PPP, the UDP, Burnham's group, and a few independents participated. The National Labour Front, formed by Lionel Luckhoo after the UDP was split, refused to attend.

The objective of this meeting was to put joint pressure on the Governor and the Colonial Office to bring about an end to the emergency, the removal of restrictions and the restoration of the suspended constitution. There was also a general understanding that later, the parties, by agreement, would face the general election jointly and form a broad-based government.

The All-Party Conference wrote the Governor to request a large measure of self-government and an end to the restrictions under the emergency. The PPP also wrote separately asking for a meeting with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd. The Secretary of State, in an arrogant reply through the Governor, stated that he was not prepared to discuss with the leaders of the PPP, or any other political leaders in British Guiana, the issues which they were championing or any amendments to the constitutional proposals which had recently been announced.

With some form of unity now showing in the All-Party Conference, the Governor attempted to get some anti-PPP elements to split the Conference. In a calculated plan he announced in the Legislative Council on the 26 July, 1956 that "the question of British Guiana's participation in Federation would not be raised for decision or be brought before the next legislature by the Governor or the official members."

This statement was made because the constitutional proposals had also been attacked by the anti-federationists who were also supporters of the Interim Government. However, since these persons felt that the new legislature would commit Guyana to the West Indies Federation, they joined the All-Party Conference in attacking the constitutional proposals. The Governor's plan, thus, backfired.

After some delay, Governor Renison eventually met with a delegation of the All-Party Conference on the 28 July, 1956, but he was very uncooperative and was not prepared to engage in any discussion. This meeting was thus a total failure.

The All-Party Conference disbanded later in 1956. This was due to the apathy of the convenors and the "bad blood" which the 1956 city election in Georgetown had brought about between the contestants, the UDP and Burnham's group. The latter having won two seats, declared that it would be contesting all the seats in the general election under the Renison constitution. The UDP also made a similar announcement.

With the collapse of the All-Party conference and country gearing for another general election, Dr. Jagan made a last effort to achieve national unity. This happened in Ghana in March 1957 where both he and Burnham were invited to attend the independence celebrations. There Dr. Jagan suggested to the other West Indian leaders - Grantley Adams of Barbados, Norman Manley of Jamaica and Patrick Solomon of Trinidad and Tobago - that the presence of both Guyanese leaders in Ghana afforded them the opportunity to discuss common problems with the West Indian leaders acting as convenors of a meeting. Dr. Jagan hoped that the West Indian leaders would assist in forcing Burnham to reunite with the PPP or join in a united front government. He also spoke with Kwame Nkrumah, the Prime Minister of Ghana, to exert his influence on Burnham.

However, Dr. Jagan's efforts failed and no meeting was held between the West Indian and the two Guyanese leaders. But later, when Patrick Solomon returned to Trinidad, he announced that the West Indian leaders met with Burnham on three occasions in Ghana, but that Dr. Jagan was not present. This was the first time Dr. Jagan heard about these meetings and he immediately corrected the impression given by the Trinidad leader that he was uncooperative. It was obvious that Burnham had convinced the West Indian leaders and Dr. Nkrumah that he would not only win the elections but that under his leadership, Guyana would join the West Indian Federation.

On his return from Ghana, Burnham then issued a letter calling for the defeat of Dr. Jagan. Commenting on this letter, Sydney King, in a message to the Fifth Annual Congress of the PPP in April 1957 declared that the campaign of the All-Party Conference and efforts towards national unity were "stabbed in the back" by Burnham's letter which called for the defeat of Dr. Jagan.

FAILURE OF THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT

When efforts failed to deplete the strength of the PPP, the Colonial Office, for psychological reasons replaced the principal personalities involved in the suspension of the 1953 constitution with hope that the new appointees would do a better job in undermining PPP support. Sir Patrick Renison replaced Sir Alfred Savage as Governor, Derek Jakeway succeeded John Gutch as Chief Secretary and Attorney General, Frank Holder, was promoted to Chief Justice. But the changing of these officials made no impact on the people. Attempts at national bribery were proving very expensive; corruption was widespread and the Interim Government came under attack from every quarter. Further, the cost of living was rapidly rising and rice farmers suffered a drop in prices in 1956.

The UDP, whose members and supporters comprised the majority in the interim Legislative Council, was worried that the policies of the puppet Government were not winning support away from the PPP. The PPP, with widespread national support, continued to maintain that only the restoration of democracy and national determination would improve the social and economic conditions in the country. A desperate UDP, therefore, wrote to the Chief Secretary, on the 20 December, 1954 complaining that the Interim Government could not win the confidence of the people unless independent Ministries of Industry and Commerce, Education and Labour were established.

As a result of poor performance of the Interim Government, even its mouthpiece, the Daily Chronicle on the 27 November, 1955 complained in an editorial: "Two years have gone by and we are no better off than we were before the political debacle. We have had more houses built, we have had self-aided schemes, a little of this and a little of that, but the population is increasing faster than ever, unemployment is increasing and the cost of living continues to rise. We submit to marking time politically, and even here we expect the time has come for some closure to that, but must we submit to marking time where the economic development of the country is concerned? Must we continue to live as we are living, or should we say existing? Let there be an end to this nonsense."

W.J. Raatgever, President of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce and a member of the Interim Government, during a debate in the Legislative Council in November 1955 declared: "So far as I have seen - and I have gone around quite fairly - there has been no developmental work done in this country." Even Jock Campbell, Chairman of Bookers and champion of British colonialism, had been forced to admit in August 1955 that there was "a very unsatisfactory state of affairs" existing in the country and that there could be no progress in a "political vacuum."

The UDP saw their participation in the puppet Interim Government as a chance to be in "power", and many of their members who held leading positions in the administration (such as John Carter, Lionel Luckhoo and W.O.R. Kendall) were fearful of any forthcoming election. On the 26 October, 1956, during discussions in the Executive Council on the issue of a date for general election under the Renison Constitution (announced earlier in June), Kendall, the Minister of Communications and Works, called for a delay in the election to allow the Interim Government to win some support. Kendall stated that the Interim Government needed more time to allow its projects to have some impact on a large part of the population.

W.T. Lord, another nominee to the Legislative Council, complained on the 21 December, 1956 that the Minister of Agriculture, Lands and Mines, Frank Mc David, had failed to formulate a policy with regard to either land or agriculture and that "not one constructive idea has been produced."

Clearly, the Interim Government was suffering from inertia. Money available for development in 1954-55 was under-spent because the members of the government could not come to an agreement on how to use it. Of the $44 million earmarked for that period, only $26 million was actually spent.

Faced with a deteriorating economic situation, the British Government sought an electoral solution after it felt that the PPP would lose if the electoral boundaries were manipulated. The British Government probably also developed the opinion that PPP supporters were either disillusioned because of many of their leaders being imprisoned, or had moved away to join with the Burnham group after the split in the Party in February 1955. The British Government was apparently convinced that the Burnham group would win the election, or would join with the UDP in a coalition government, thus forcing the PPP in opposition.

The colonial authorities also wanted a commitment by an elected government on the issue of the West Indian Federation. In a statement, Governor Renison explained: "If British Guiana was still without any form of representative government which would decide whether not to join the Caribbean Federation, it would be a disappointment."

The leaders of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad also influenced the British Government to reach the decision to hold a general election since they were convinced by Burnham's propaganda line that he would win any forthcoming election and lead Guyana into the West Indian Federation. (The West Indian leaders, Grantley Adams, Norman Manley and Patrick Solomon of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad respectively, apparently gave Burnham their unilateral support when they later met with him in Ghana in March 1957.)

The Governor admitted that the period of the Interim Government was a "frustrating period of marking time". This was not strange since dictatorial and non-democratic rule by puppets appointed by the British Government could not generate any form of progress.

Finally, a new constitution drawn up by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd, was announced on the 25 April, 1956. It was even more backward than the one proposed by the Robertson Commission (which met in 1954 to rationalise the overthrow of the PPP Government). It provided for a single chamber Legislative Council of 12 elected members counterbalanced by 8 nominated and 4 ex-officio members, and an Executive Council of 5 elected members counterbalanced by 4 ex-officio members and one nominated. The Robertson Commission, though providing for similar control of the Executive Council by the Governor, had recommended that the legislature should have, as in 1953, an elected majority. For the House of Assembly, it had proposed 25 elected seats, one more (for Rupununi) than in 1953.

Opposition to these constitutional proposals were immediately registered by the PPP and other political parties. The PPP demanded that the new constitution must introduce a large measure of self-government.

Shortly after the announcement of the proposals was made, the Governor left for London for consultations and on his return in October 1956, he announced modification in the original plan - that the legislature would have 14 elected seats instead of 12, three ex-officio members and as much as 11 other nominated members.

Even before general elections were announced for August 1957, Burnham declared that his group would contest all 14 seats. The UDP also made a similar announcement. On the other hand the PPP continued to agitate for changes in the proposed constitution and finally decided to contest 13 of the seats after it was unable to get the other political parties and groupings to form a united front to contest the election.

At the general election, the PPP convincingly won 9 seats, while Burnham's group won 3, the UDP 1 and the NLF 1. After the election, Burnham's group merged with the UDP to form the People's National Congress (PNC). With the formation of the PPP Government (even though with limited powers) the period of the Interim Government came to an unlamented end.

Here is wan read ,remember we were toddlers during that period.And lucky for us  the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II was in the same year of our birth.

KP thanks. Your remarks do make me feel that I am better than you. I am sorry if I cause you to loose sleep and have night mares. I am certain a good Doctor can find you a cure for your grand delusions.

Mitwah posted:

KP thanks. Your remarks do make me feel that I am better than you. I am sorry if I cause you to loose sleep and have night mares. I am certain a good Doctor can find you a cure for your grand delusions.

I didn't  know you are so  concerned  that I am better than you. It's Saturday night I am in bed with my wife,why are you so lonely sorry I can't help. This spring I am starting a project I need you and your associate to come with your rain coat,gloves and long boots to do some work.

kp posted:

Mitwah posted:

KP thanks. Your remarks do make me feel that I am better than you. I am sorry if I cause you to loose sleep and have night mares. I am certain a good Doctor can find you a cure for your grand delusions.

I didn't  know you are so  concerned  that I am better than you. It's Saturday night I am in bed with my wife,why are you so lonely sorry I can't help. This spring I am starting a project I need you and your associate to come with your rain coat,gloves and long boots to do some work.

I am sorry for interrupting you. That's not your wife, it's your family dog. Bhaiji, that's a crime. Grand delusional projection is a good defence.

Thanks for your kind remarks.